Saturday, July 11, 2015

Why Uma Bharti is Happy that the CBI Will Now Probe Vyapam


File photo of Union Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation Minister Uma Bharti with RK Pachauri, Director General, TERI, and Venkatesh Kini, President, Coca-Cola India at the inauguration of the Department of Regional Water Studies at TERI University . PTI Photo by Subhav Shukla
IN SEVENTH HEAVEN: File photo of Union Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation Minister Uma Bharti.
PTI Photo by Subhav Shukla
Bhopal: The Supreme Court order of July 9 entrusting the Vyapam scam probe to the CBI has provided Union Minister Uma Bharti with a rare opportunity to settle an old score with Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan.
In her eyes, Chouhan is the man because of whom she lost her position as chief minister of Madhya Pradesh a decade ago, a personal catastrophe that prompted her to walk out of the party and remain in the political wilderness for six long years. And he has continued to be the reason that she has been kept away from the affairs of the state by the party top brass despite her return to the BJP fold in 2011. That is why Bharti – who was the only BJP leader to have endorsed the Congress demand for a CBI probe into the Vyapam scandal barely four months after it was exposed in July 2013  – considers the court’s order  especially sweet music to her ears.
Bharti’s grouse goes back to November 26, 2005 when she was upstaged by Chouhan who was elected as leader of the BJP legislature party, following which Bharti left the party in a huff. Until her return to the BJP fold in 2011, Bharti often called the chief minister bachcha chor,or kidnapper, her way of referring to the manner in which Chouhan ‘hijacked’ the reins of power that she had wrested single-handedly from the two-time Congress chief minister Digvijay Singh in the 2003 assembly election. In fact, Bharti believes that even after her return to the party in 2011, her continued ‘externment’ from Madhya Pradesh has been due to the influence Chouhan has vis-a-vis the BJP high command.
Her recent attack on the chief minister suggests that she has found an appropriate weapon to strike back at her bĂȘte noire who is vulnerable like never before on account of the Vyapam scam. Her likely weapon of choice is a pen drive that is said to contain proof of Chouhan having saved his skin by implicating Bharti instead .
Pen drive, Excel sheet
The pen drive contains  a copy of the “original excel sheet” that  whistleblower Prashant Pandey  had retrieved  from the computer hard disk of the Madhya Pradesh Professional Examination Board/Vyavasayik Pareeksha Mandal (Vyapam) chief system analyst Nitin Mahindra soon after the cash-for-job scandal had surfaced in July 2013.
Pandey, a cyber expert from Indore, was hired by the special task force (STF) appointed to probe the scam to crack the Board’s computer data. Later he supplied a photocopy of the retrieved excel sheet to Congress leader Digvijaya Singh who, in turn, submitted it to the special investigation team (SIT) that was monitoring the STF force investigation on the order of the Madhya Pradesh High Court.
Interestingly, the Congress leader that Bharti worked so hard to defeat in the 2003 state assembly elections is the one who has helped create the circumstances for her to get back at Chouhan. The Congress held that the Crime Branch, Indore, which cracked the first Vyapam case on July 7, 2013, tampered with the original excel sheet which contained the chief minister’s name in over 40 places as a recommender for candidates in various recruitment tests. Further, that the sheet was doctored to substitute the CM’s name with that of Uma Bharti and ‘Raj Bhawan’. Subsequently, SIT chairman, Justice Chandresh Bhushan, dismissed the proof provided by Digvijaya Singh as a forgery, which was endorsed by the Madhya Pradesh High Court as well, prompting Chouhan to use this clean chit as the biggest proof of his innocence against detractors who said he feared a CBI probe because it would expose him as complicit in the scam.
In the past few weeks, as outrage over the trail of as many as 46 unexplained deaths related to Vyapam hit the national agenda due to comprehensive media coverage, Bharti broke her silence on Vyapam. In doing so she seemed to be on the same page as whistleblower Prashant Pandey and Digvijaya Singh.
The Union Water Resources Minister too held that “when the Indore Crime Branch was sharing information with the STF regarding the probe, discrepancies took place’. She was alluding to the allegedly doctored excel sheet that substituted the chief minister’s name with hers some 23 times. Her claim is an implicit endorsement of the evidence Digvijaya Singh provided, which was rejected by the SIT.  Even before the Supreme Court ordered a CBi probe, Bharti had urged Chouhan to have those discrepancies probed to ensure that people were not falsely implicated. Now she has every reason to be hopeful that the CBI would do what she had expected from the chief minister.
Sadhvi and her priest
The present tun in the Vyapam case is entirely due to the efforts of whistleblowers like Prashant Pandey who is confident that the CBI, with its professional competence and cyber expertise would be able to detect the tampering of the excel sheet that originally is said to have contained Chouhan’s name. He believes the CBI is competent to retrieve data that may have been destroyed by the Indore Crime Branch. Pandey’s statement that the CBI should be able to nail “the chief minister’s lie” is exactly what Bharti was looking forward to when she told the media earlier this week that she has feared for her life and that of her supporters ever since the Vyapam scam surfaced.
What has provoked the fiery politician was the appearance of her name in the local media as a recommender for 17 candidates in a test for contractual teachers. Her joining hands with the opposition on the issue rattled the chief minister on whose insistence the then director general of police, Nandan Dubey rushed to her residence to say that her name was not among the accused but merely as a reference.
While Bharti was not pacified, she chose to keep mum on the subject. If anything, her seething, pent-up anger ensured that the STF buried the case mentioning her name in the maze of other cases. SIT chief justice Chandresh Bhushan wanted an FIR registered against the Union minister but the STF sleuths resisted the pressure on the grounds that she had not taken any money from the candidates; moreover that there was no evidence or witness to prove the charges. Later, Uma Bharti’s family priest Liladhar Pachori was made a witness by the STF in a case related to bungling in a test for contractual teachers. Pachori was allegedly recommended for the post of a contractual teacher and his name was found on the excel sheet recovered from the computer of Nitin Mahindra. However, while the STF let Bharti off the hook and instead concluded that Pachori was recommended by OP Shukla, who was OSD to former technical education minister Laxmikant Sharma (both Shukla and Sharma are in jail), the Congress continues to state that Pachori, who used to stay in the servant’s quarters of Bharti’s B-6 Shyamla Hills residence, was recommended by Bharti.
Cry of double standards
Bharti has accused the STF of adopting double standards in the Vyapam case. Her argument is that if the STF sought to make her an accused just because her family priest was suspected as a beneficiary in a contractual teachers’ test, then the chief minister too should have been made an accused because his personal assistant Prem Chand Prasad was charge-sheeted in the scam. Prasad is accused of having secured admission for his daughter in a medical college through dubious means.
In an interview to India Today magazine last week, Bharti said that Prem Chand Prasad’s association with Chouhan was far closer than Pachori’s with her. “I find it difficult to digest that the police have named me as an accused while not taking any action against the chief minister,” she said.
As for the embattled CM, he has always been evasive on questions regarding Bharti’s outbursts. After all, he has endured her taunts in the past as well. “I have never reacted to her comments, even when she was not in the BJP. She is an esteemed leader and like my sister,” says Chouhan.
On July 13, as the STF hands over the Vyapam case to the CBI as per the Supreme Court order, all eyes will be on Bharti’s next move.  Will she go on record to say that the Indore crime branch deliberately bungled the case to implicate her?  It will also be interesting to watch  whether she  will put on record the STF’s  ‘double standard’ in implicating her for  her family priest’s alleged misdeed while giving the benefit of the doubt to the chief minister, whose personal assistant  is accused of  benefiting from the Vyapam code of manipulation in a pre-medical test.
It will provide no mean satisfaction to Bharti that Chouhan’s influence with the BJP high command is also on the wane. The scam has not only shaken the chief minister but has also earned the wrath of top BJP leaders. Acting upon Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s terse instructions, Union Minister Ananth Kumar (who is in charge of the BJP’s Madhya Pradesh affairs) had a midnight meeting with the chief minister and other senior party leaders from Madhya Pradesh on July 8 -9 in New Delhi.
Once Prime Minister Modi returns from his Central Asian tour, he is expected to take stock of the political fallout of the scam. An indication of his assessment of the crisis is likely to reflect in BJP president Amit Shah’s scheduled meeting with party leaders of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh on July 12 in Bhopal.
Uma Bharti, for one, must be looking forward to the outcome of this meeting.

Tuesday, July 7, 2015

After rapid political rise, Chouhan may never recover from cash-for-jobs scandal



Once seen as a prime ministerial candidate, the Madhya Pradesh chief minster is now trying just to survive the crisis.
Photo Credit: STRDEL/AFP
The cash-for-jobs, or Vyapam, scam surfaced four months before a moment of glory for Madhya Pradesh’s Bharatiya Janata Party chief minister, Shivraj Singh Chouhan. Already eight years in office, the chief minister was hailed as the hero of a spectacular electoral victory in the state assembly election of 2013.

Sporadic cases of ineligible candidates being granted admission to the state’s six medical colleges had been surfacing in the media for many years. The public also had a sense of the longstanding nexus between Madhya Pradesh’s professional examination officials and admission touts.

But until then, the scam was mostly seen as being confined to rigging in pre-medical tests conducted by the Madhya Pradesh professional examination board, which determines admission to professional colleges and recruits people for government jobs.

In September 2013, in police custody, Pankaj Trivedi, the board’s examination controller and the racket’s kingpin, had started spilling the beans about the rigging of recruitment tests for government jobs, but the ramifications of his confession were still hazy.

The opposition Congress did try to corner the chief minister on the scam in the run-up to the 2013 assembly election but it was too demoralised and disunited to make it an effective poll plank. The chief minister blunted the opposition’s attack by setting up a special task force to investigate the scam. People bought into Chouhan’s ploy. The result was the BJP’s hat-trick election win.

Worst crisis

After the win, however, embarrassment for the chief minister began to mount as the special task force started arresting several of those accused on the basis of Trivedi’s confession. The computer hard disk of the board’s chief system analyst, Nitin Mahindra, offered many clues. It contained spreadsheets in which the accused had recommended people to be improperly admitted or given jobs.

One of the spreadsheets contained the chief minister’s name as a recommender for candidates, according to the All-India Congress Committee general secretary Digvijay Singh. The Madhya Pradesh high court later dismissed the Congress’s attempts to present this as proof of the chief minister’s direct complicity, saying the name was forged. But Chouhan dreads the prospect of that being re-examined by an independent agency. This is why is he is dead against agreeing to a CBI probe into scam, despite a nationwide clamour for one.

Once seen as a prime ministerial candidate, Shivraj Singh Chouhan is now staring at the worst political crisis of his career. A spate of mysterious deaths related to the scam have surfaced, making things very tense for him.

He has never looked as downcast in public as he did during a press conference at his residence in Bhopal on July 5, the day after the shocking death of TV journalist Akshay Singh in Meghnagar of Jhabua district. “I am prepared to face any consequence,” he said, with what sounded like false bravado.

Smaller storms

At the same time, Shivraj Singh Chouhan has weathered other, if more minor, storms. Barely one and a half years into his first term, he faced a massive corruption charge. In 2007, a Bhopal court admitted a complaint alleging that the chief minister’s wife, Sadhna Singh, had bought four dumpers, or loading trucks, worth Rs 2 crore in all. and had leased them to a Rewa-based cement factory. Since the factory owner was known to be close to the chief minister, allegations of a quid-pro-quo flew thick and fast. The Lokayukta took up the case, but exonerated the Chouhan couple four years later.

Then in October 2012, the chief minister had to deal with the fallout of income tax raids on the offices and residences of his childhood friend, the billionaire builder-contractor Dilip Suryavanshi, whose wealth had grown exponentially during Chouhan’s rule.  The opposition went after the chief minister, alleging that he had facilitated his friend to turn a billionaire from a petty contractor by generously awarding him the state government’s road contracts. The chief minister weathered this as well because the opposition failed to come up with concrete evidence for its claims.

Chouhan also faces accusations that he has promoted his family’s alleged sand-mining business and the Shiva Construction company in particular, of which his elder brother, Narendra Singh Chouhan, the Congress says is a partner. Chouhan denies all these allegations, no one has indeed yet been able to offer any evidence for them.

Chouhan is also aware of talk that his flamboyant wife Sadhna Singh has a say in appointing officials and awarding contract. Chouhan is so touchy about any negative statement about his wife that he sued a former leader of the opposition, Ajay Singh, for saying that she had bought a currency-counting machine. Recently, a journalist from an English daily got a notice of eviction from his government-allotted house for describing Sadhna Singh in print as “a queen of controversy”.

According to some, the state lokayukta, justice PP Naolekar, has not been as aggressive in investigating corruption, for which Chouhan has extended his six-year tenure by a year.

Rapid rise
Chouhan considers his wife a political blessing, according to those close to him. Since their marriage in 1991, his political stock has risen phenomenally. A son of a farmer, he was elected to the state assembly for the first time in 1990. A year later, he got a chance to represent the Vidisha Lok Sabha constituency, which former prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee had vacated in favour of a seat in Lucknow. Since then Chouhan has represented Vidisha five times, only to vacate the seat in 2005 on being elected chief minister.

In state politics, his initial mentor was former MLA Salig Ram Shrivastava.  But an ambitious Chouhan soon hitched his stars to former chief minister Sundar Lal Patwa. After he was exposed to national politics, Chouhan lost on time in becoming close to the powerful triumvirate of Vajpayee-LK Advani-Pramod Mahajan.

Advani, in particular, took a great liking to the young Chouhan. The BJP patriarch’s blessings ensured that Chouhan got in quick succession the posts of the Bhartiya Janata Yuva Morcha national secretary, then president, then BJP national general secretary, and finally, that of Madhya Pradesh BJP president. Although he assiduously maintains a safe distance from perceived detractors of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he is still considered a staunch Advani acolyte and his equation with Narendra Modi is far from warm.

In the run-up to the 2014 Lok Sabha election, a section of the media sought to project Chouhan as Modi’s potential rival. Advani’s fulsome praise for the Madhya Pradesh chief minister only added weight to the speculation. But a shrewd Chouhan always made it a point to dispel such an impression.

On thin ice

Since Modi’s ascendance and Advani’s consequent eclipse, Chouhan is acutely conscious of the fact that he can no longer count on the high command’s blessings in taming his detractors within the party. For nearly nine years as chief minister, Chouhan faced virtually no opposition from within the BJP.

Uma Bharti, a former chief minster, from 2003 December to August 2004, was the exception. His coronation as chief minister in November 2005 took place even as Uma Bharti walked out of a BJP legislative party meeting with her half a dozen MLA supporters. For the next two years, Chouhan endured the rebel sanyasin’s ‘Bachcha Chor’ (child thief) taunt, which suggested he had hijacked a government that Uma Bharti felt she had  put in place by dethroning the Congress’s Digvijay Singh in the 2003 assembly election.

On the job, however, Chouhan proved to be a quick learner. Within a month of assuming office, he replaced a forthright chief secretary Vijay Singh with the pliable bureaucrat Rakesh Sahni. It was a bold move, sending a strong message to other politicians and bureaucrats.  Although not a visionary, Chouhan is credited with showing political wisdom. He initiated populist schemes such as the Ladli Laxmi Yojana, for the welfare of girls, offering free tickets to elderly people travelling to Hindu and Muslim pilgrim centres and giving zero-interest loans to farmers.

He also periodically met different groups, such as women, farmers, drivers, students, etc., at his residence. However, this massive scam in the government threatens to become a huge blot on his otherwise not-so-unsatisfactory record.

Shivraj was born in March 1959 to Prem Singh Chouhan and his wife Sundar Bai in the Jait village of Sehore district. He came to Bhopal to study in Model School, where his oratory skills earned him popularity and in 1975 the post of student union president. He joined the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh as a young student. As an RSS volunteer he spent some time in jail during the Emergency.

Later, he joined the BJP’s student wing, the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarti Parishad, while studying at Hamidia College in Bhopal. As an ABVP representative, he won the student union president election. He has an MA in philosophy from Bhopal University.

Shivraj 's Uma Bharti moment !

Spooked by Vyapam, BJP May Leave Shivraj Singh Chouhan to Fend for Himself

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Two double deaths in close succession, a flurry of petitions before the apex court and mounting public outrage has made the Madhya Pradesh chief ministeronce talked about as a prime ministerial candidatea political liability
Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan addresses a press conference in connection with the death of the people linked to the Vyapam scam in Bhopal on Sunday. PTI Photo
Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan addresses a press conference in connection with the death of the people linked to the Vyapam scam in Bhopal on Sunday. PTI Photo
Bhopal: That Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan – cornered by the spreading tentacles of the Vyapam scam – is staring at the worst political crisis of his career is to state the obvious. What is not apparent though is that the embattled CM is facing a severe crisis of credibility within the Bharatiya Janata Party as well.
Those familiar with the BJP’s inner circles say that defending the chief minister has become increasingly harder for the party since the last week of May when relentless media coverage about Vyapam-related deaths – 32 official, 46 unofficial and counting  – unleashed a wave of nationwide outrage.
The deaths of two of the accused – Narendra Singh Tomar, a veterinary surgeon, in Indore jail and Dr Rajendra Arya in Gwalior hospital on June 28 – in close succession, had rendered the Shivraj government hopelessly defensive.
Then came the shocking news of two more near-simultaneous deaths: that of Aaj Tak news channel reporter Akshay Singh in Meghnagar of Jhabua district on July 4, followed the next day by the death of Dr Arun Sharma, the dean of a Jabalpur medical college who was involved in the investigation into the scam. DK Sakalle, Sharma’s predecessor at the college who was also involved in the investigation, too had been found dead in similarly suspicious circumstances, exactly a year ago.
Public anger that erupted following these deaths seems to have been the last straw for an already embarrassed BJP leadership, which has now more or less left Chouhan to fend for himself. Senior leaders like Rajnath Singh and Arun Jaitley, who so far had refrained from intervening in the Vyapam affair despite the media’s damning disclosures, were forced to publicly call upon Shivraj to ensure a “thorough and fair” probe into the journalist’s death.
Unsure of the party’s full backing, the chief minister, who would earlier depute the task of defending the government to his ministers, hurriedly called a press conference at his residence to defend himself. This was first time that Chouhan faced the media exclusively on the Vyapam scam since it surfaced in July 2013.
Between a rock and a hard place
His statements at the press meet were uncharacteristically defensive: “I did not commit a crime by ordering a probe (into the Vyapam scam)… What I did, I did in pure and pious spirit in the interest of the state… My intention behind ordering a probe was to cleanse the mess in the examination and recruitment system that I inherited from the Congress… No other state government in India’s history ever ordered such a comprehensive probe into irregularities to get at the truth with such promptness” and so on.
Meanwhile, the Congress is expected to mount pressure on the chief minister, who is also facing allegations of direct complicity in the scam. Chouhan has been accused of tampering with the original Excel file retrieved from the computer of Nitin Mahindra, chief systems analyst at the Madhya Pradesh Professional Examinations Board, known by its Hindi acronym, Vyapam. The Excel file contained the names of all the ‘recommenders’ of illegitimate candidates cleared through Vyapam examinations. According to former Madhya Pradesh chief minister and AICC general secretary Digvijaya Singh, the CM’s name was present in the spreadsheet as a recommender 48 times, which he says Chouhan later substituted with those of Union minister Uma Bharti and ‘Raj Bhawan’.
Although the Madhya Pradesh High Court dismissed Digvijay Singh’s ‘proof’, contained in a pen drive, as a forgery and gave a clean chit to Chouhan in April this year, the risk of an independent agency  revisiting the evidence proof still haunts the chief minister. At his press conference, he ruled out the possibility of the state government agreeing to a CBI probe since there was already a probe underway that was being monitored by the high court, adding that such a move would amount to “insulting” India’s judicial system.
Chouhan has two good reasons to dread a CBI probe: first, he would lose control over the probe and second, this would put him at the mercy of his old rival in the BJP, Narendra Modi.
The STF, which consists of officers drawn from state police personnel, can hardly go against the chief minister, no matter how closely the high court might monitor the investigation. This also means that those currently incarcerated, no matter how high up, are unlikely to dare implicating him. Among the 1900-odd accused in jail are a former minister, his former officer on special duty (OSD), a mining baron, a former OSD to the governor, bureaucrats, businessmen and middlemen. Some of them have been known to have worked with the chief minister closely in the past, and likely to be privy to matters Chouhan would not want exposed.
A chequered record
Chouhan is just four months short of surpassing his predecessor Digvijay Singh’s 10-year record as chief minister of Madhya Pradesh. But the raging controversy on Vyapam has cast a shadow on his cherished goal of being the longest serving CM of the state.
He had faced a similar crisis in 2007, when a petition filed in a Bhopal court claimed that his wife Sadhna Singh had bought four dumpers worth Rs 2 crore and leased them to a cement factory in Rewa. The state Lokayukta, which probed what came to be known as the ‘dumper scam’, eventually exonerated the Chouhan couple of all charges.
The chief minister was embroiled in another controversy in October 2012 when income tax sleuths raided the offices and residences of billionaire builder-contractor Dilip Suryavanshi across Madhya Pradesh. The Congress targeted Chouhan for his closeness with Suryavanshi, whose wealth had grown exponentially under the CM’s regime.
In June this year, Chouhan was once again in the spotlight, after the Congress party accused him of securing a manganese mine lease allotment in Balaghat district’s Paunia village for a company owned by his wife, in violation of rules.
Under Modi’s thumb
The chief minister weathered all such political storms in the past with aplomb, also because he had the unstinted blessing of BJP patriarch LK Advani. Chouhan is a prominent member of the Advani-Sushma Swaraj camp in the BJP, which once rivalled Modi’s own.
In the run up to the Lok Sabha 2014 elections, the media was abuzz with speculation that the Advani camp would pit Shivraj as a potential competitor to Modi. Chouhan, however, had assiduously scotched such rumours at the time.
Nevertheless, the vibes between Modi and Chouhan are far from warm. Modi trusts Chouhan’s rival in Madhya Pradesh politics, Kailash Vijayvargiya more. This is evident in Vijayvargiya’s elevation as BJP national general secretary, though he continues as a powerful minister in the Shivraj cabinet. Vijayvargiya recently broke ranks with his colleagues to suggest that an SIT probe into the Vyapam deaths was a possibility, contradicting home minister Babulal Gaur, who has consistently claimed the deaths were natural.
Under the circumstances, a probe by the CBI, which reports to the Centre, would make Chouhan completely vulnerable to his one-time political rival, the Prime Minister.
So far, the chief minister has been lucky as the Madhya Pradesh high court rejected demands such as those from Digvijaya Singh in November last year for a CBI probe into the Vyapam scam. The court, instead, set up a special investigation team to monitor the probe on its behalf. The Supreme Court too upheld the lower court’s verdict, much to the consternation of the Congress.
As of this week, a bunch of fresh petitions seeking a CBI probe into the scam are again before the Supreme Court. Three have been filed on behalf of the original whistleblowers – Prashant Pandey, Ashish Chaturvedi and Anand Rai. A fourth has been filed on behalf of Digvijaya Singh by senior lawyer Vivek Tankha, while a fifth has been filed on behalf of Aam Aadmi Party leader Kumar Vishwas.
The petitioners are optimistic that this time the Supreme Court will accede to their plea in the light of a whole host of fresh disclosures including unnatural deaths of the accused. Tankha says the scam has become more complex, more widespread and extremely sinister since time the Supreme Court had expressed satisfaction over the high court-monitored probe.
Digvijaya Singh, however, says that the high court probe has miserably failed. He also alleges that the STF’s investigators have been extorting money from some of the accused to let them off the hook. Besides, he avers, the STF sorely lacks the requisite wherewithal, especially the technical capability, to unravel the multilayered scam. Only the CBI has the competence and adequate manpower to take the case to its logical conclusion, he feels.
If Chouhan survives the coming petition wars, the party might rally behind him once again. Until then, however,, the BJP leadership is understood to be of the view that it is wiser to let Shivraj fend for himself.

Wednesday, July 1, 2015

Vyapam: How a Munnabhai-style Exam Scam Turned Into a Macabre Thriller

Vyapam: How a Munnabhai-style Exam Scam Turned Into a Macabre Thriller

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With 24 dead and counting, Vyapam is one of the most complex, multi-layered scandals affecting public life in India. It is also the least understood. The Wire brings you up to speed.

Congress activists burning an effigy of Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Bhopal on Monday, They are demanding for a CBI investigation into the Vyapam or Madhya Pradesh Professional Examination Board scam. PTI Photo
Congress activists burning an effigy of Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Bhopal on Monday, They are demanding for a CBI investigation into the Vyapam or Madhya Pradesh Professional Examination Board scam. PTI Photo
Bhopal: The key facts are so disturbing as to be without parallel: a scam that covered higher education admissions and government recruitments in one of India’s largest states for several years, with cash worth hundreds of crores of rupees changing hands; 24 officially confirmed ‘unnatural deaths’ of accused persons and suspects including senior officials and the state Governor’s son. Unofficial estimates of deaths vary from 44 to 156, depending on who is making the claim; for every dead suspect, a 100 are either in custody (over 1800 arrests) or on the run (some 600); nearly 200 suspects have filed petitions requesting protection as they fear for their life; bigwigs whose names have been dragged into the spotlight so far include the state Governor, Chief Minister, a national spokesperson of the ruling BJP, and two of the senior most RSS leaders.
No wonder that the Professional Examination Board (PEB) or Vyapam, short for Vyavasik Pariksha Mandal, scam that came to light in July 2013 – one of the most blatant and extensive rigging exercises of its kind ever uncovered in India – is fast acquiring the shades of a macabre crime thriller.
The ‘unnatural’ deaths
In its status report to the Madhya Pradesh High Court on June 26, the Special Task Force (STF) probing the scam stated that 23 accused have died ‘unnatural deaths’. Two days later, one more accused, Narendra Singh Tomar, died mysteriously at Indore Central jail, making it 24 suspicious deaths from a pool of 2,400. In response, the High Court has stated that the decision about investigating these deaths will be taken in consultation with the Special Investigation Team (SIT) headed by a former High Court judge, formed by the court to monitor the probe.
It’s useful to note that 24 unnatural deaths is the official figure; the unofficial figure goes up to 44 and could be even higher. Leader of opposition Satyadeo Katare of the Congress claims that as many as 156 persons connected with the scam have died so far. “These 156 dead include accused and suspects, their family members, whistleblowers and witnesses,” he says. However, he has not been able to substantiate his claims or furnish a list of those he claims are dead.
A majority of those who died are from the Chambal region straddling Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. Most of the dead were in the age group of 25-30. They were either students, who had fraudulently secured admission to medical colleges after paying hefty sums to touts of the PEB’s bosses, or job aspirants who benefited from the manipulation of recruitment tests.
For quite some time, only four unnatural deaths relating to the scam had been reported in the media. The most high-profile of these was that of Shailesh Yadav, son of Madhya Pradesh Governor Ram Naresh Yadav. The Governor was also named as an accused in a recruitment rigging matter in February this year but the High Court gave him relief a month later, saying that he enjoys constitutional immunity as long as he is in office.
File photo of MP Governor Ram Naresh Yadav and Chief Minister Shivraj Chouhan. PTI photo.
File photo of MP Governor Ram Naresh Yadav and Chief Minister Shivraj Chouhan. PTI photo.
Home minister Babulal Gaur has rejected the demand for an independent probe into the unexplained deaths linked to the scam. “It is for the High Court, which is monitoring the probe, to take a call in this matter. I cannot do anything about the deaths which, in my view were natural,” he told The Wire.
Meanwhile, Digvijaya Singh, AICC general secretary and a former chief minister of the state, says that the SIT has still to act on the information provided to it by him about Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s alleged involvement in the scam.“The STF is untrustworthy as it works under the direct control of the state government and the SIT cannot be relied upon because its chief admits to having no control over the probe,” says Digvijaya Singh, who moved the Supreme Court on Tuesday.
Unearthing the scam
The chronology of deaths in the case is significant. They started occurring two months ago, when STF sleuths speeded up their investigation to meet the Supreme Court deadline of June 15 for filing charge sheets in all the cases related to the scam. The sleuths discovered that a large number of the accused during interrogations pleaded innocence, putting the blame on ‘others’ who were found to be dead. This was read as an obvious ploy to mislead the probe.
The STF reported this trick to the SIT chairman, Justice (retired) Chandresh Bhushan, who is supervising the probe on the order of the MP High Court. Justice Bhushan, in turn, asked the STF to compile a list of the dead. In its previous status report to the High Court on May 27, 2015, the STF had reported 32 deaths but, after further investigation, the number was brought down to 23.
The two whistleblowers who blew the lid off the scam – Dr Anand Rai of Indore and Ashish Chaturvedi of Gwalior – say that several suspicious deaths relating to the scam have gone unreported in the media. For instance, the death of another accused in Gwalior on June 28 – Dr Rajendra Arya, accused of helping two students clear the pre-medical tests (PMTs) conducted by the PEB in 2007 and 2008 – is not being considered unnatural as he had been suffering a kidney ailment for over a year. Arya had been out on bail for year.
Among those who died in unexplained circumstances were three others: In January 2012, the body of Indore medical college student Namrata Damor, 23, was recovered on the railway tracks in Ujjain. Despite the post mortem report confirming she had been murdered, no inquiry was initiated into her death. Ujjain police dismissed the case as suicide. Damor had passed the pre-medical test in 2009, allegedly with help of a racketeer who worked for scam kingpin Jagdish Sagar.
On July 4, 2014, Jabalpur Medical College Dean DK Sakalle, 58, allegedly committed suicide at his official residence. He was engaged in the scrutiny of bogus candidates admitted to the college between 2008 and 2013. Home Minister Babulal Gaur had assured the state assembly that Sakalle’s alleged self-immolation would be investigated but his statement was not followed up by any action.
File photo of Narendra Singh Tomar, an accused in the high-profile MPPEB (Vyapam) scam, has died under mysterious circumstances in an Indore jail. PTI Photo
File photo of Narendra Singh Tomar, an accused in the high-profile MPPEB (Vyapam) scam, has died under mysterious circumstances in an Indore jail. PTI Photo
On March 25 this year, the Governor’s son, Shailesh (50), was found dead at his father’s residence in Mall Avenue area of Lucknow. Shailesh was accused of taking money to help 10 candidates from Bhind district clear the examination for the post of contractual teachers conducted by the board. The exchange of money allegedly took place in Raj Bhavan, the Governor’s official Bhopal residence.
Then again, on April 28, pharmacist Vijay Singh Patel, 35, was found dead in a hotel owned by a Bharatiya Janata Party MLA in Kanker (Chhattisgarh). Vijay was an accused in three cases relating to the scam and was likely to be booked in three more cases. He went missing a day before a scheduled hearing at a Bhopal court on April 17. Ten days later, his body surfaced.
However, the death of Tomar, the latest accused to die, is not going uncontested. A government veterinary surgeon, Tomar was facing charges of having arranged proxies to write the PMT for two registered candidates in 2009. Tomar’s younger brother Vikram, a government school teacher at Makdone Village in Ujjain District, has alleged that his brother was murdered inside Indore prison, where he had been lodged since February 2015, to cover up the crimes committed by others. Saying that the jail authorities informed him at 2.30 am that his brother was in a critical condition when he had died at 12.30 am, Vikram is asking for a CBI probe into his brother’s death.
Munnabhai, without the humour
The Vyapam scam surfaced in July 2013 when eight impersonators were arrested as they attempted to take a pre-medical test as proxies for registered candidates in Indore. These arrests were made possible by a tip-off from whistleblower Anand Rai. During the interrogations of the arrested individuals, the name of Dr Jagdish Sagar as the supposed kingpin of the racket surfaced.
Madhya Pradesh police knew about an admission racket for years as several medical colleges in the state had prepared lists of suspected ‘Munnabhais’ – students who had someone fill in for them by proxy, as depicted in the Bollywood film Munnabhai MBBS. But the police had nothing definite to go by. Sagar’s arrest in July, however, opened a can of worms, leading to the arrest of PEB examination controller Pankaj Trivedi in September 2013.
Exposing the enormity of the racket, Pankaj revealed that it was not confined to manipulation of the PMT exam alone; it also involved rigging the dozen-odd recruitment exams conducted by the board. This was done mostly by manipulating the computer system, allegedly the handiwork of chief system analyst Nitin Mahindra and his subordinates.
The PEB officials allegedly colluded with middlemen, racketeers, politicians and bureaucrats to subvert the functioning of the exam and recruitment system in three ways:
  • Impersonation: Brilliant students would write the exam for aspirants, with the examination board officers replacing their photographs with that of the original candidate after the exam The student would end up passing an exam which he or she never appeared for with flying colours, and the impersonators would be paid a hefty amount as fee.
  • Engine and bogie system: a person – the ‘engine’ — would be strategically placed between two ‘bogies’ or aspiring candidates so that both could copy from his or her answer sheet. The examiners would be usually bribed to fix the seating arrangements.
  • OMR (Optical Mark Recognition) sheets:  Candidates would be asked to leave their answer sheets blank for which they would be randomly given high percentages after the exam. Board officials would then file an RTI demanding to view those exact answer sheets. They would then fill in the answers in the OMR booklet according to the marks the candidates had already been given. This would be done so that if someone were to ever check those answer sheets, there would not be any loopholes that could give them away.
Another consummate fraud, this one mounted by college owners, was to get bright ‘scorers’ to appear for the tests. On clearing the test they would withdraw on the last date so that the promoters could sell the now vacant seats for a hefty price.
Exams as gold mine
The Professional Examination Board or Vyapam is the acronym of a self-financed autonomous board under the directorate of technical education of the MP government. Set up in 1970 to conduct entrance tests for the MBBS course, its ambit has grown over the years.
The Bhopal building of Vyapam. Credit: vyapam.nic.in
The Bhopal building of Vyapam. Credit: vyapam.nic.in
The proliferation of private medical and engineering colleges from 2004 onwards paved the way for the PEB to start conducting examinations for 50 percent of their seats. With the commercialisation of professional education in 2002, insiders obligingly played the role of Trojans, to breach the system from within for a price.
In 2007, the BJP government mandated the PEB to conduct all recruitment tests for an entire spectrum of government jobs – from constables to nurses, teachers, police sub-inspectors and all non-gazetted jobs. With this, the scope for graft also multiplied. Such was the deluge of candidates seeking favours in various exams that the scamsters maintained excel sheets to be on the ball.
Recruitment to 40 departments is controlled by the board.  Opportunities to manipulate the system for filling government departments with bogus candidates are immense. The recruitment of contract teachers and police personnel proved particularly more lucrative because the number of aspirants in those two areas was quite high. No wonder that most of the accused, including bureaucrats arrested for recruitment fraud, were largely linked to these two tests.
Earlier, these recruitments took place through the respective departments. Corrupt officials in the departments would strike deals with racketeers to get chosen candidates cleared. The clandestine operations would run smoothly, barring occasional rumblings from the candidates who thought they had been cheated of a job. But such complaints were too few and far between to warrant serious media attention.
The clockwork nature of the admission-recruitment racket emboldened the nexus to tweak the system more audaciously. For instance, when the ‘recruitment mafia’ realised that though they could help candidates pass the theory test for police recruitments but could not help them clear the physical test, they got fitness norms diluted. In some cases they even managed to get the fitness test abolished. The bureaucracy was only too willing to help the mafia – for the right price.
An all-star cast
Vyapam scam accused Sudhir Sharma
Vyapam scam accused Sudhir Sharma
With the racket growing into almost an industry, a top power broker in Madhya Pradesh, Sudhir Sharma, decided to take control of the PEB’s corrupt empire. Sharma’s rise during the 10 years of the BJP regime had been stupendous. He was a teacher in an RSS-run Saraswati Shishu Mandir. When his close friend, Laxmikant Sharma became mining minister, Sudhir quit his job and joined the mining business. Within years, he emerged as a top notch mining baron.
Leveraging his friendship with Laxmikant Sharma, Sudhir got an associate of his, Pankaj Trivedi appointed as examination controller in the PEB. Trivedi was a lecturer in an Indore college, so his elevation in the PEB raised many eyebrows in bureaucratic circles. One of Pankaj’s brothers, Piyush Trivedi, is the vice chancellor of the state’s only technical university. Their cousin, Sudhanshu Trivedi, is BJP’s national spokesperson, and has been accused of being one of the behind-the-scenes players in the scam.
As has been reported by the media, Sudhir Sharma was also close to RSS leaders such as lateKS Sudarshan and Suresh Soni. Both the RSS stalwarts are said to have recommended candidates in job tests, although this has since been denied by the STF.
According to investigators, Pankaj Trivedi turned out to be more adept at manipulating the system than Sudhir had ever imagined. He allegedly managed to suborn all the key functionaries in the board, notably chief system analyst Nitin Mahindra, assistant programmer C K Mishra, Ajay Sen and Santosh Gupta.
For years, Pankaj Trivedi and company got away with cheating thousands of deserving medical students and job aspirants, primarily because they were secure in the belief that Laxmikant Sharma, who was also technical education minister and former key aide to chief minister Chouhan, was protecting them. Although the PEB is supposed to be a self-financed, autonomous body with a senior IAS officer as chairman, it was Trivedi and company who called the shots.
By the time, the scam was unearthed in July 2013, the mafia had managed to admit over 1,000 undeserving students in the state’s medical colleges. All those admissions have since been revoked. In addition, several hundred had entered government jobs after paying a hefty cut to middlemen, who in turn shared the spoils with PEB members. Their fate now hangs in the balance.
Given the ever widening ramifications of the PEB scam, the CM announced the formation of a special task force (STF) for investigation. The Congress alleged that the STF was formed in a hurry to preclude a CBI probe as the CM was well aware of the involvement of BJP leaders, including himself.
However, the STF’s prompt actions managed to convince many about its earnestness and, as a result, the Congress failed to make the scam a potent election plank in the assembly polls held in November 2013. The BJP romped home with a bigger majority than before.
Once the election was over, the embarrassment for the new government began as Pankaj Trivedi started naming influential individuals who had benefited at the expense of thousands of deserving candidates for jobs and admissions. Pankaj named his mentors, and technical education minister Laxmikant Sharma and mining baron Sudhir Sharma as key recommenders for the fake appointments and admissions racket. Laxmikant Sharma, who had lost the 2013 elections and Sudhir Sharma, who went into hiding, were eventually arrested. They continue to be in jail.
With the arrest of these two key figures, the scam unravelled at breakneck speed. By December 2013, the STF had identified 129 accused. These included Dhanraj Yadav, officer on special duty (OSD) to the governor, IAS officer KK Jain, deputy commissioner RK Mishra, DIG RK Shivhare, IG Sonali Mishra’s brother Bharat Mishra, two state police officers from Gwalior, OSD to Laxmikant Sharma, OP Shukla, and OSD to the chief minister Prem Prasad. Some of them had paid money to touts for securing admission of their wards. Others had acted as touts themselves. Later, over a dozen more IAS, IPS and state service officers were nabbed. All of them are behind bars.
The following months saw the STF arresting suspects dozen-a-day. Medicos would be picked up from their homes and brought to the STF office for interrogation. Some would be accompanied by their parents. Poignant stories appeared in the media as to how some parents had obtained loans after pawning assets to pay the middlemen. Photographs of boys and girls being herded into police stations evoked pity towards the accused and anger against the system which brought them to this sorry pass. Although the arrests did not cease, their pace definitely slackened after public sentiment turned hostile against the government.
“It is a pity that poor students suffer the ignominy of arrests while the real culprits are still out of the law’s reach,” says leader of opposition Satyadeo Katare.
Political ramifications
Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan admitted during the inaugural session of the assembly after the formation of the new government in January last year that the STF had detected 1000 bogus appointments made possible through the nexus of the education mafia and PEB officials.
He, however, refused to accede to the Congress’s demand for a CBI probe. An infuriated Congress hit the streets in protest.  For months, the scam rocked the state. But the stir could not be sustained.
The near-decimation of the Congress in the Lok Sabha election in May last year had a profound bearing on the STF probe.  A confident BJP, which won 27 out of 29 Lok Sabha seats in the state, maintained that the STF was doing a fine job.
The Congress was too demoralised to revive the stir against the government. In November 2014, the MP High Court rejected Digvijaya Singh’s plea for a CBI probe, with the Chief Justice AM Khanwilkar ordering the formation of the SIT to monitor the probe instead.
Although for a while it seemed that the Congress had given up the fight, on February 16 this year, senior Congress leaders Kamal Nath, Jyotiraditya Scindia, Digvijaya Singh, PCC chief Arun Yadav and leader of opposition Katare addressed a joint press conference on the issue in Bhopal. They accused Chouhan of having deleted the original spreadsheet bearing his name in 40 places as a recommender for candidates. They alleged that the CM inserted union minister Uma Bharti and ‘Raj Bhawan’ wherever his own name figured in the Excel sheet.
The spreadsheet was allegedly procured from the hard disk of the then PEB system analyst, Nitin Mahindra, who is now in jail.  Mahindra would methodically maintain the names of all those who had recommended admissions and appointments for various tests through the PEB in spreadsheets. The High Court, however, rejected the information submitted by Digvijaya Singh as forged and gave a clean chit to the CM.
In fact, when Mahindra mentioned ‘Raj Bhawan’, he meant some one close to the Governor – either his OSD Dhanraj Yadav or son Shailesh Yadav. Where Ram Naresh Yadav himself had recommended a candidate, the Excel sheet maintained by the system analyst would mention him as ‘Governor’.
Digvijaya Singh maintains that the proof he gave is incontrovertible and that he had procured the excel sheet from whistleblower Prashant Pandey, who had once collaborated with the STF to crack PEB system analyst Nitin Mahindra’s computer data. Pandey photocopied the data and passed it on to the Congress leader.
When the police learnt about this, Pandey was arrested. He, however, fled to New Delhi after being released on bail in August 2014. Since then he is living under the protection of Delhi police on the order of the Delhi High Court.
Ball now in Supreme Court
The Madhya Pradesh government has dismissed reports of more than 40 unnatural deaths as “totally baseless”, but nationwide outrage over the scam-related deaths has revived hopes for a Supreme Court intervention in the matter.
On Tuesday, Digvijaya Singh moved the Supreme Court for a CBI probe into the scam. Senior Supreme Court lawyer Vivek Tankha too has announced that he will take up the case on behalf of the dead. “This is a most horrifying scandal where so many suspects have died mysteriously. I will try to ensure they get justice,” says Tankha, who had earlier unsuccessfully pleaded Digvijaya Singh’s case for a CBI probe in the MP high court and the Supreme Court.
In a scandal that is inextricably tied with the political fortunes of the ruling party, it remains to be seen how far the case goes or how long it takes to bring it to its conclusion. Considering the nature of the revelations so far, however, it is clear that this genie is not going back into the bottle meekly.
Rakesh Dixit is a Bhopal-based journalist with more than 35 years experience in the field