Tuesday, December 30, 2014

Digvijay Singh, ICH scribes are not Chintak




Last week Congress general secretary Digvijay Singh was in Bhopal and, as it happened quite often whenever he was in town in the last one and half decade, he came to the Indian coffee house for informal chit-chat with journalists over coffee and snacks. He had started the practice when he was the state’s chief minister.  His stated purpose for visiting the coffee house has been to meet an old friend, ND Sharma, a veteran journalist, who retired from Indian Express in 1999. ND Sharma is a sort of patriarch among the journalists who frequent the coffee house.           
But this time things were different. For one, despite knowing that we, the regulars, leave the place before 1 PM, Digvijay Singh chose to come a little later. For another, unlike in the past, he did not inform any of us including ND Sharma in advance about his arrival. Quite a few other journalists, who would flock the coffee house only when the former chief minister went there, were duly intimated. This took the regulars by surprise.  They sensed Singh’s impending arrival through a trickle of the non-regulars. Any way, we left the coffee house at our usual time of departure.  
Digvijay Singh came and inquired about ND Sharma. A Congress worker promptly called Sharma on phone at home (the septuagenarian journalist does not keep mobile).  Sharma politely declined to return. Digvijay promised to revisit the coffee house next day on usual meeting time at 12.
As promised, the Congress leader came to the coffee house, albeit a good 40 minutes late. This time no non-regular scribes were around.  As we greeted Digvijay Singh, he rather wryly remarked,” Mujhe Bataya Gaya Hai Ki Yanha To Ab Chintak Log Baithte Hai. Aise Log Jo Ab journalism Me Nahi Rahe. Mai Soch Raha Tha Ki Ab Aau Ya Nahi Aau .(  I am told that now only thinkers sit here, the kind of people who are no longer in journalism. I was in dilemma whether to come here or not). His remark took us by surprise. Who was his barb directed at?  Who described us as Chintak ? Rasheed Kidwai (associated editor, the Telegraph ) sought to play down the remark by a repartee , “ Chintak To Banna Pad Raha Hai, Congress Ke Bhavishya Par Chintan Karane Ke Liye ( we are forced to be thinker to think about future of the Congress).  But Digvijay Singh was not amused. He looked uncharacteristically sombre that day. The usual bonhomie was missing. He drank a coffee and left the place in 10 minutes.  His younger brother Laxman Singh and son Jaivardhan Singh also accompanied him. Many Congressmen were waiting for him outside.
We surmised for a while what may have provoked Digvijay Singh’s sarcastic comment.  ND Sharma dismissed it as usual canard spreading about the “Coffee house gang” by some journalists.  He recalled an anecdote as to how a senior journalist, who he had offered on phone to meet at the coffee house , petulantly refused to do so, saying that is a place of backbiters.  The matter ended there.

But, to me, it did not end there.  Digvijay Singh’s sarcasm set me thinking why people in the journalist fraternity in Bhopal have so many misgivings about the”gang”.  Which one of us is so nasty that the “gang” evokes so much revulsion in certain quarters?  Can it be put down to usual jealousies among the journalists? But jealousy for what?  None of us is either influence-peddler or influential enough to warrant spying from the government.  None of us is either capable of or inclined to moulding opinions in the press for or against any particular political party. It is just that we sit for less than an hour, have coffee or tea on soldier payment, exchange ideas and jokes and push off. Nothing that transpires in the coffee house weighs down in our mid to affect our usual journalistic work. Each one does his job in his own way. That is how the “gang” has sustained its bonding for over two decades, though its composition has kept changing.

Monday, December 29, 2014

Making MP marvelous



shivraj GIS


By Rakesh Dixit

Madhya Pradesh doesn’t have much to write home about, if one considers its poor social indices and other parameters. But chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan would beg to differ as he feels that MP’s “growth story” deserves grand marketing at both the national and the international level.

But first, the stark picture. MP has 31 percent of the population living below the
poverty line, while 60 percent of its children are malnourished. It is also among the
10 poorest states in India. Though it has 20% growth rate in agriculture, this has
not checked the spate of farmer suicides. While the consistent 11percent growth
rate in the State Gross Domestic Product shines when held against the 5 percent
growth rate at the national level, it is marred by a drop in the industrial sector in
2013 — from 4.9 percent to 2.8 percent. Also, the much-vaunted Ladli Laxmi
Yojana for upliftment of the girl child has done precious little to obliterate the
stigma of MP having among the worst infant and maternal mortality rates. There
are also doubts about the state’s seriousness in tackling corruption after scores of
Lokayukta raids on many officers. Worse, admission and recruitment scams (to
medical colleges and for state government jobs respectively) involving BJP leaders
have led to disillusionment about this government.
FOLLOWING MODI
It is no wonder that the thrice-elected chief minister is keen on an image makeover.
His Man Friday and commissioner, public relations, SK Mishra, on his directive,
has launched a hunt for a PR firm of international repute with a minimum turnover
of Rs 50 crore to “position Madhya Pradesh as a leading state in India across
sectors”. Chouhan, apparently, is tired of his low-profile, humble farmer image.
Having ruled MP for over nine years, he wants to be seen and talked about as a
development man, a la Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Incidentally, even after the new PR firm is engaged, the Department of Public
Relations will remain intact. It has 50 members, including a commissioner and a
director. Till 1980, this department was low-profile, but after the late Arjun Singh
became CM, things changed. He appointed his closest confidant, IAS officer
Sudeep Banerjee, as director, public relations, who changed the PR department
into a high-profile one with lavish funds. As for Digvijay Singh, he hardly needed
a PR department as his infectious guffaws were enough to charm scribes. He was
also rather thick-skinned about criticism in the media.
Coming back to Madhyam (as the Department of Public Relations is called), on
December 1, it released the Request for Proposal document for selecting a new PR
firm on its website. The document is almost identical to the one issued by the
Gujarat government in June 2013, when Modi started pitching himself as BJP’s
PM candidate.
The tender floated by Madhyam has sought monthly targets for guaranteed,
favorable coverage and all-expenses-paid trips for national and international
journalists. Like the Gujarat government, it has a monthly target of “two major
stories in national newspapers and TV channels and one story in national
magazines”. Though Chouhan denies having ambitions at the national level, he has
resolved to market the MP growth story as aggressively as Modi.
PR BLITZKRIEG
Madhyam’s managing director, SK Mishra, says: “This is the first time we are
engaging a PR agency on this scale. As many state governments were hiring PR
agencies, we did not want to be left behind.” He admits that Modi’s PR blitzkrieg
inspired the move. According to the RFP document, the PR firm will need to
deploy a core team of 11 subject experts dedicated to MP. They should be based in
Bhopal and New Delhi and include two social media experts and three media
coordinators. The government will provide office space to the firm and a one-time
grant of Rs 10 lakh for setting it up.
The timing of this PR exercise is significant. According to his media advisers,
Chouhan feels now that he is all set to break the 10-year record of his predecessor,
Digvijay Singh, his achievements deserve greater exposure at the national and
international level. He feels that while the national press have mainly focused on
agriculture growth in MP, other achievements have not got due attention. That, he
feels, only a professional PR agency can do, say his media managers.
Chouhan, however, is wary of comparing himself with Modi or Madhya Pradesh
with Gujarat, given the delicate relations between the two leaders. Frequent
comparisons between them in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections still weigh
heavily on his mind. The fulsome praise of his government by BJP patriarch LK
Advani last year at the expense of Gujarat has made Chouhan more cautious.
“Chouhan is so afraid of Prime Minister Modi that the MP government is unable to
even summon courage to demand translocation of Gir lions to Palpur Kuno
sanctuary in the state despite the Supreme Court order to this effect having lapsed
almost a year ago,” said a senior minister. “The chief minister also meekly
surrendered to the center’s unilateral decision to raise the height of Sardar Sarovar
Dam on the Narmada.”
Moreover, Chouhan easily succumbs to RSS diktats in matters of governance,
unlike Modi, the minister revealed. The same chief minister who sat on dharna
against the UPA government’s “discrimination against MP” in allocation of funds,
is now silent over their release; overdue funds to the tune of Rs 5,000 crore are
pending.
RESTRICTED VISION
While this lack of aggression has endeared Chouhan to the BJP and RSS
leadership, it has prevented him from emerging on the national scene as a visionary
leader. His control over ministers and bureaucrats too is lax. His friendships with
the media and industry outside MP is also limited. His grandiose speeches about
making agriculture a profitable business or projecting himself as a caring uncle to
the state’s daughters shows limited vision. These personality traits are in sharp
contrast to Modi’s imperious, but bold style of functioning.
“Modi’s PR exercise was expensive. Chouhan is shy. Modi had a dozen
hagiographies written of him in the run-up to the PM post. Chouhan’s biography
by a local journalist is an insipid compilation of government press releases,” a BJP
leader said.
On social media too, Chouhan has proved himself inept. Once, he tweeted to
congratulate BJP president Amit Shah on the latter’s “birth anniversary”. In another
instance, he tweeted last month to congratulate newly appointed Railway Minister
Suresh Prabhu. However, it seemed to take a swipe at Prabhu for showing “bhaki”
to the PM. Within minutes, it went viral, leaving the state government red-faced
and pleading unconvincingly that his Twitter account was hacked.
So why was there a need to invest so much in publicity in MP? A senior officer in
the publicity department, explained: “In Madhya Pradesh, we have the media
virtually eating out of our hands. But the national media is a different kettle of
fish.” Most newspaper owners in the state have well-entrenched business interests,
with the biggest newspaper chain having businesses in oil plants, malls, real estate,
etc. So why should they antagonize the chief minister?
ELUSIVE NATIONAL MEDIA
But at the national level, things are different. A media manager of the CM said the
coverage of the recently organized Global Investors Summit (GIS) in Indore was
“far below expectation”. This, despite the government splurging on hospitality of
over three-dozen journalists from Delhi and Mumbai during the meet from October
9-10. Royal food was arranged by the minister for industries and commerce,
Yashodhara Raje Scindia, at a whopping Rs 4,400 a plate for over 5,000 invitees.
Even the presence of Modi and other high-profile visitors such as the Ambani
brothers, businessmen Gautam Adani, Shashi Ruia, Subhash Chandra and Cyrus
Mistry did not work wonders. The national press merely covered the PM’s speech.
However, the show did help the state as the industrialists pledged Rs 2.15 lakh
crore for various projects in MP. But the state government desisted from
highlighting the MoUs , given the poor track record of implementation of previous
such investor meets. “The GIS was essentially for branding MP as a favorable
destination,” the chief minister said. It also helped MP make contact with the
corporate world. “We want to sustain it,” said Mishra, justifying need for a PR
firm.
The Congress, as expected, was critical of the move to have a PR firm. MP’s
leader of the opposition, Satya Deo Katare, mocked it as “Chouhan’s personal PR
pitch”. “When there is no money to pay salaries, there is no point in doing little
work and spending lakhs on PR.” he taunted. True. The revenue deficit of the MP
government has doubled from Rs 4,245 crore (August 2013) to Rs 8,552 crore
(August 2014) and is likely to grow to Rs 25,000 by the year end.
The new PR firm will obviously have a lot on its plate.

Sunday, December 28, 2014

Arjun Singh prophesy about Digvijay Singh




Congress stalwart late Arjun Singh had once prophesied this about his most famous protégé. “A time will come when Digvijay Singh will not have even one supporter to carry his suitcase’. The sardonic statement was made in Bhopal in mid nineties when Arjun Singh had broken away from the Congress to form his own party with ND Tiwari and Digvijay Singh was MP’s chief minister. Digvijay’s ‘betrayal’ had sorely rankled his mentor. Arjun Singh was isolated and miserable while his protégé had craftily managed to shore up the Congress in the state, much to the delight of the mentor’s sworn enemy late PV Narsimha Rao.
That two-decade-old prophesy of the late Congress leader is staring in Digvijay Singh’s face. The Supreme Court last month thwarted the AICC general secretary’s plea to order a CBI probe into the multi-layered professional examination board (PEB) recruitment and admission scam. On December 27, a desperate Digvijay announced a toll free line for callers to lodge complaints in connection with the scam. He still maintains that unless CBI probe is ordered , justice will elude the victims of the scam. He says he is committed to take the matter to its logical end. Is he honest about it? Let’s us go a little into the background.  
Digvijay Singh had invested a lot  in the petition to gain lost ground in the MP Congress. He lined up best legal brains—Kapil Sibal, KTS Tulsi and Abhishek Manu Sanghvi—to fight his case in the apex court. But the bench headed by chief justice of India HL Dattu was not impressed by the arguments against ongoing probe in to the scam by the state government’s special task force (STF). The probe is being monitored by the MP High court-appointed Special Investigation team (SIT).  The Supreme Court ruled that’ the first constitutional court (high court) is monitoring the case and we respect it’.
Diggvijay Singh is naturally disappointed. ‘Disappointed with the SC verdict on VYAPAM. Our fight against all those who have cheated youth and the people of MP shall continue,” he tweeted. Most Congress leaders, ironically, don’t share the AICC general secretary’s disappointment. Far from it, they  feel  relieved that the major roadblock in the way of  resuming  stir against the state government on the scam has been removed.
“  Digvijay Singh had completely hijacked the  PEB scam on the specious ground that he would lend real punch in the Congress agitation over the issue  by securing court order for a CBI probe. He prevailed over the Central leadership to suspend the party stir on the scam till the court verdict. As a result, the Congress momentum build around the scam petered out”, a senior party leader rued.
Indeed, for the poll-battered Congress the PEB scam was a godsend to revive its sagging morale. Although  skeletons from the professional examination board (PEB) had begun to tumble out even before  the assembly election in the state in November last year,  chief minister Shivraj Singh  faced acute embarrassment following arrest of  former  technical education minister Laxmikant Sharma and  mining baron Sudhir Sharma in January this year.
Since then the government  has continued to feel the heat  as the STF  kept peeling off layers of the scam. From bungling in scores of recruitment tests to admissions in pre-medical and PG tests,  the STF has unearthed what BJP’s  leader and Shivraj Singh’s bête noire Uma Bharti dubbed,’ the biggest scam in the county , bigger than the fodder scam of Bihar”.
Attorney general Muku lRohtagi, who appeared on behalf of the state government, admitted in the court that the  STF is conducting probe in 55 cases registered in the case. Thousands of bogus appointees and  medical students along with middlemen   have been arrested.
Amid ever-growing damning revelations about enormity of the scam, the Congress under  the leadership  of leader of opposition Satyadeo Katare managed to rattle the Shivraj Singh government. It was a major Congress plank in the May Lok Sabha election, though the Modi-wave swept the party off its feet.  Digvijay’s role in the campaign in Madhya Pradesh was  noticeably limited. He barely addressed a few dozen election meetings. Congress workers, not to speak of the candidates, had stopped missing him. In fact, Digvijay’s marginalisation had begun  after  the Congress  nominated jyotiraditya Scindia as chief campaign manager  of the party in the assembly election. His success in securing  Rajya Sabha nomination further antagonised  the party men. They saw in the move utter opportunism. By the time, the Lok Sabha election came, the AICC general secretary  had lost whatever political ground he had.
Despite the defeat in the lok Sabha elections, Katare and company were keen to intensify  agitation against the state j government, especially when involvement of  the CM’s family members in the scam surfaced. Digvijay Singh scuttled their plan. He argued that first let’s fight the issue in the court and then on the streets.
“It is not as though we were not able to see his game plan. But we thought it wiser to wait. Now that  the legal option is closed, we feel  free to chalk strategy afresh sans Digvijay ”, said a Congress leader.
Although Digvijay Singh has vowed to continue the fight  on the scam, the sate Congress leadership is not keen t take him on the board in its plan to resume stir against the Shivraj government.
Congress leaders feel that Digvijay’s insistence on legal recourse was a ploy to let the chief minister breath easy. “ We lost precious time in attacking the government on this issue while the petition was pending in the court. Digvijay is to blame for that”. a leader remarked.
No wonder, nobody in the Congress is missing Digvijay Singh amid the ongoing elections for the  civic bodies in the state. Will Arjun Singh’s prophesy come true  sooner rather than later ?


Bhaiya Raja: how he had Robin hood image woven around him

P-don-Bhaiya-R4257
Rakesh Dixit
Ashok Vir Vikram Singh alias Bhaiya Raja, who had shrewdly managed the mystique of Robin Hood-Sultana Daku combine woven around his over six-foot tall persona in his life time,  was actually a coward rapist. It was a sordid combination of factors–helpful media, feudal dominance in Bundelkhand, casteist politics and his rank opportunism– that conspired to transform a lecherous criminal into the ‘terror of Bundelkhand’.
On December 15, Bhaiya Raja got his overdue comeuppance for his innumerable sins.
Once a terror in Bundelkhand, the two-time MLA died of brain haemorrhage in a Bhopal hospital.. He was serving life sentence for getting bumped off Vasundhara Bundela, a student of fashion designing and his grandniece. Bhaiya Raja had sexually exploited her and had also forced her to undergo abortion.
It took well over 40 years for his nemesis to finally catch up with the perpetrator of at least a dozen murders and myriad rapes. By quirk of fate the nemesis proved to be his own grandniece whose bullet-riddled body was found lying under mysterious circumstances on December 11, 2009 near Misrod in Bhopal district.
His wife Asha Rani, too, in June 2010 was booked for abetment to suicide. A woman Tijji Bai was found dead in Yashodhara Parisar residence in Bhopal of Bhaiya Raja in 2007. Apart from Asha Rani, Bhaiya Raja was booked under the charges of rape in the incident.
When I first met Bhaiya Raja in 1985 at his house in Pavai, I secretly wondered whether he will die of illness or by bullet. I thought —wished?–someone would shoot him down soon, given the kind of terror he had unleashed on people of the region. I knew practically nothing about him. It was a KG Gupta’s report in Satna edition of ‘Desh Bandhu’ that drew my attention on his offences. The edition was launched to coincide with campaigning for the assembly election. I as news editor was tasked by the owner Mayaram Surjan ( Babuji) to launch the paper.
KG Gupta, our city reporter, had filed a detailed report on gory campaigning of Bhaiya Raja, mentioning the candidate’s track record. The campaign largely revolved around the slogan, “Muhar Lagegi Haathi Par, Varna Goli Ghalihe Chhati Par , Lash Milegi Ghati Par.(   If you don’t vote for the Elephant election symbol, be prepared to take a bullet on the chest and your body being found in the valley).
The slogan was, of course, not officially sanctioned by Bhaiya Raja himself, but he was secretly pleased by its coinage by his supporters. The report, particularly the slogan fascinated me. I asked KG Gupta to accompany me to Pavai to meet Bhaiya Raja. Swami Trivedi, MP correspondent of ‘Ravivar’ weekly magazine, also happened to be in Satna that day and we decided to take him along. Swami was my friend from Jabalpur.
All through the four-hour car drive from Satna to Pavai, KG Gupta filled me with real and apocryphal stories about Bhaiya Raja’s crime saga; how he kills his enemies and get the bodies  dumped  in his private pond for domesticated alligators to feed on them; how his nomination as chairman of the Panna district cooperative bank  instantly ensured cent percent recovery of the long dead loans of the defaulters; how he satisfies his seemingly uncontrollable libido by terrorising poor women with pythons in his house in Gaharwar fort.
Hearing all this, I was more anguished than amused. But, unmindful of my reactions, KG Gupta kept gushing on Bhaiya Raja’s real and imagined escapades. He was clearly in thrall of the terrorist. Gupta claimed himself to be Bhaiya Raja’s friend. His narration had an unmistakable streak of obsequiousness to the ‘hero’. I would later discover that Bhaiya Raja humours a horde of scribes in Bundelkhand to plant exaggerated stories of terror tactics. That helped him fortifying the legend he aspired to become. I also would come to know later that the alligators he allegedly used to feed on human bodies were too small to do so. Also, the terror-by-python tale turned out to be bunkum.
Gupta’s friendship claim proved true when we met Bhaiya Raja. Over six-foot tall, bearded man in long Kurta-pyjama greeted KG Gupta with condescending warmth.  Gupta introduced me and Swami, saying we have come to cover the campaigning. Assuming that Gupta must have briefed us about his exploits, Bhaiya Raja looked pleased. I did cover the campaign but sans all the hype surrounding it. Bhaiya Raja lost the election.
After the introduction, I had had a couple of meetings with him before he was arrested for murdering a relative of  then union home minister Sardar Buta Singh in a farm house of Nainital. The farm house allegedly belonged to Akbar Ahmad Dumpy, a one-time notorious ally of late Sanjay and subsequently Menaka Gandhi. It was his driver, not Bhaiya Raja himself, who had allegedly committed the murder. It later transpired that Bhaiya Raja and the slain Sikh had a drunken brawl. The bulky Sikh pushed Bhaiya Raja on the ground. Down and helpless, Bhaiya Raja goaded his driver to shoot at his assailant. The body was dumped in the valley nearby.
The high-profile murder brought Bhaiya Raja’s terror stories in national limelight. Captain Jaipal Singh, who had defeated Bhaiya Raja in 1985 assembly poll, was the state’s home minister. The captain was a trusted acolyte of the then chief minister Motilal Vora. The Vora government ordered shifting of Bhaiya Raja to Raipur jail of undivided Madhya Pradesh.  However, the case could not stand for want of evidence and Bhaiya raja was acquitted. But the case had ensured widespread notoriety for him at national level.
Sudhir Saxena, the Madhya Pradesh correspondent of the then popular ‘Maya’ fortnightly, went a step further from KG Gupta and his ilk in “lionising’ Bhaiya Raja. He was portrayed as a sort of a combination of Robin Hood and Sultana Daku. While Captain Jaipal Singh felt he had avenged his election defeat, Bhaiya Raja was happy that myth-making machine was working nicely for him at state and national level.
The mythification worked wonder for Bhaiya Raja. While he was lodged in jail, his two wives begged for votes in the name of their Suhag in the Pavai constituency. The voters  yielded to the begging. Bhaiya Raja won as independent candidate in the 1990 assembly polls.
Once in the assembly, his political ambitions began to soar. Politics for him was a useful tool to subdue the administration in his area of influence. Old friendship with former minister and Congress leader Mukesh Nayak came handy in politics. They were friends since the time Mukesh was youth Congress leader. Besides, Bhaiya Raja had already nurtured kinship with most of the Thakur leaders –various ‘Rajas’–of the ruling party of Bundelkhand and Vindhya regions.
Although the then chief minister Arjun Singh would maintain a discreet distance from Bhaiya Raja, Kunwar Sahab showed no qualm in letting the smaller feudal lord to carry out his criminal activities with near impunity. In fact, Bhaiya raja owed his election as chairman of Panna district cooperative bank to the strong Thakur bonding at the top. He was also a member of the 20-point programme committee. Moti Lal Vora later removed him from the committee when the Nainital murder case hogged the headline.
When he had come first time to Bhopal for oath-taking as an MLA, Bhaiya Raja led a huge procession of his supporters astride an elephant to famous Birla Mandir.  A large number of youth Congress leaders were also part of the procession.
However, the time did not favour Bhaiya Raja. The regime had changed. The Patwa government showed no kindness to him.  The then Chhatarpur SP Sarabjit Singh got Bhaiya Raja’s encroachment in the middle of a pond demolished. It was a sort of small fortress.   The intrepid SP supervised razing of the fortress even as Bhaiya Raja and his band of brigands watched helplessly. This was the first major blow to his power that he had deviously fortified over three decades. Demoralised, he lay low biding for good time to return.
As the luck would have it, the Patwa government was dismissed in December, 1992 over the Babri issue. Next election was due in December 1993. Since Bhaiya Raja’s mafia activities had taken a severe knock under the BJP rule, he let Mukesh Nayak to contest from the Pavai seat. Mukesh won and became a minister in the Digvijay Singh cabinet. Digvijay Singh, like his mentor Arjun Singh, indulgedThakur politicians across political spectrum but kept Bhaiya Raja at bay in public.
This was a signal for clever Mukesh to start distancing himself from the man whose constituency he had won from. Mukesh could not or did not help Bhaiya Raja retain his official bungalow in the 45 Bungalows locality that was allotted to him three years ago.
I was witness to the scene when a large police posse swooped down on the bungalow to get it vacated. Bhaiya Raja meekly vacated the house under clear instruction from the then principal secretary, home, Vijay Singh. The so-called terror of Bundelkhand cut a pathetic figure before the might of the state.
Five years later, Bhaiya Raja was elected again, this time on Samajwadi party ticket. Mulayam Singh’s party managed to send five MLAs to the assembly and all of them had shady past. But who cared? That was the time when Amar Singh was calling shots in the SP and he was instrumental in getting ticket to Bhaiya Raja who was elected leader of his MLA group.
As expected, his role in the assembly would be to support the Digvijay Singh government whatever the issue. In return, the Congress government did not trouble the SP MLA.
Bhaiya raja’s trouble began when Uma Bharti succeeded Digvijay Singh in 2003 December. The fiery Sadhvi was the strongest Lodhi leader of Bundelkhand. She harboured visceral dislike for Thakurs in general and Bhaiya raja  in particular.
As the political stock of Thakur leadership plummeted in Bundelkhand, all the ‘Rajas’ including Bhaiya Raja chose to be out of the harm’s way. Shivraj Singh Chouhan, another OBC, replaced Uma.  Bhaiya raja had to wait till the next election for his political stock to go somewhat up. His wife Asha Rani won the 2008 assembly election on BJP ticket from Bijawar seat. Asha is Bhaiya Raja’s second wife whom he married as the first had begotten   four daughters but no son.
A year later, the long arms of the law finally caught up with Bhaiya Raja when Vasundhara’s murder mystery was unravelled.  He was arrested from Chhatarpur and in 2013 sentenced to life imprisonment. Within a year he died in a hospital.
The sordid saga of rise of Bhaiya Raja as terror is inextricably linked to the feudal culture of the Bundelkhand.
After India’s independence in 1947, the princely states of Bundelkhand agency were combined with those of the former Baghelkhand agency to form the province of Vindhya Pradesh which became an Indian state in 1950. On 1 November 1956, Vindhya Pradesh was merged into Madhya Pradesh.
The region is dotted with small and decaying feudatories. Their family heads love to be called Raja, regardless of their dwindling influence and wealth. Bhaiya Raja belonged to the small feudatory of Gaharwar village. Like most Rajas of the region, Ashok Vir vikram Singh grew up lording over poor villagers in and around Gaharwar. His family was educated. One of his elder brothers Indrajit Vikram Singh retired as DIG.
The social milieu in the one of the most backward regions in India was encouraging for feudals—big and small-to wield the gun and terrorise the poor.
Like more notorious mafia don of Uttar Pradesh, Raja Bhaiya, Bhaiya Raja too enjoyed family backing for his criminal activities. Many of these Rajas aligned themselves with dacoits who roamed  in Bundelkhand in sixties and seventies. One of the dacoit gangs was led by Charlie Raja.
Two most dreaded gangs had a Thakur and a Brahmin as head respectively.  Notorious dacoits like Pooran Sing alias Puja Babba, a Brahmin, had sizeable following among caste fellows. Likewise, Moorath Singh commanded loyalty of Thakurs including small time feudals.  .
Bhaiya Raja, whose libido and criminal instincts were seemingly incontrollable, found willing allies among members of Thakur dacoit gangs.
After Moorat Singh surrendered in early seventies, his son Ram Singh was known to be close to Bhaiya Raja. They would extort money from contractors of tendu leaf collection. In mining contracts too, the underground and overground dacoits would extract share. Abduction for ransom was, of course, the most lucrative of all crimes that allowed Bhaiya Raja and his gang to flourish.
By the eighties Thakurs became a dominant political force, courtesy Arjun Singh rule. Heady mix of crime and politics sustained the reign of terror unleashed by Bhaiya raja.
But he was known to be more cruel than courageous. It is said he got all his killings credited to him  done by his gang members. But in raping women he was merciless and rapacious.


Saturday, December 27, 2014

Gandhi, cinema and Jai Prakash choksey


jaiprakash-chouksey
Rakesh Dixit 
Septuagenarian Jaiprakash Choksey writes with passion and intellectual farvour on Indian cinema. Being an insider- he has been film distributor, script writer and producer of some not-so-successful films—Choksey embellishes his narrative with interesting nuggets and trivia about the century-old industry.
His daily column ‘Parde Ke Peeche’ in Dainik Bhaskar offers a fine blend of history, anecdotes, literature, biography, sociology, economy and psychology of the 100-year-long journey of the cinema. He diligently endevours to provide historical perspective to the current trends, stardom, idiosyncrasies and changing mores of the cinema and its driving forces, while contextualizing the narrative to the present.
The language is lucid, if, at times, didactic. The immensely popular column has been offering well-informed insight into the cinema for over 13 years. His trademark writing style is unmistakable in his book, ‘Mahatma Gandhi Aur Cinema’ as well.
Divided into 12 chapters, the 191-page book has broadly two narratives running parallel. One briefly traces socio-political history of the freedom struggle with Mahatma Gandhi at the centre. The other deals with the evolution of the India cinema, beginning almost from the time when the Mahatma had returned India from South Africa. The author juxtaposes the two narratives to interpret how the precepts and practices of the Mahatma have kept influencing the filmmakers, both Indian and foreigner alike.
Significantly, while the Gandhi’s distaste for the cinema remained unshakable, a sizeable number of filmmakers — from V Shantaram to Raju Hirani– consciously imbued their celluloid ventures with Gandhian teachings.  It is a delicious irony that Gandhi, who could not sit through till end the only film—Ram Rajya—he was made to watch in 1944, was a source of inspiration for a galaxy of filmmakers down the ages for their meaningful cinema.  It is, though, also true that many films, either based on Gandhi or influenced by Gandhian values, flopped.
Nevertheless, the author passionately argues that their less-than-expected success is by no means an indication of irrelevance of Gandhi and his philosophy.
The book, which was released with great fanfare by film writer Salim Khan in November, 2012, in Mumbai, is as much a homage to Gandhi as it is to the stalwarts of the India cinema beginning from the doyen Dhundiraj Govind Falke.
Like in his column, Choksey has kept the two narratives non-linear. He delectably evokes anecdotes and incidents of different times together to accentuate gradual loss of innocence in the cinema. Ideas and characters from classic literature get seamlessly woven in his grand narrative.
Since the book is not a chronological narration of the history of cinema, Dada Sahab Falke, Amir Khan, Raj Kapoor, V Shataram, Mehbob Khan, Vidhu Vinod Chopra  and other icons of the cinema keep propping up  from chapter to chapter. Ditto with themes. Hindu-Muslim unity, crass commercialization, rural-urban divide, woman emancipation are some of the themes the writer seems obsessed with. His rhetorical lamentation on moral decay in the society at times sounds   a bit sanctimonious. Also, he seems to stretch imagination a bit too far in interpreting Gandhian influence on some of the films that dealt with the issues dear to Gandhi.
Notwithstanding minor flaws, the book is a powerful evocation of interesting people and times down the ages. It richly illustrates Gandhi as a towering moral force whose ideas may or may not have been imbibed by the film makers consciously but  their films had to have his influence all the same.  Gandhiism  was, after all, too dominant an idea for idealistic filmmakers not to be  swayed by it.  Moreover, till at least sixties, it made good commercial sense for filmmakers to imbue their cinema with Gandhian ideals because the masses simply adored the Mahatma.
His main ideas about communal harmony, removal of untouchability or conversion of the bad into good through sheer moral persuasion  resonated just too well with the spectators. So, films based on such themes- and they were not insignificant in number –proved, unsurprisingly, a great success.
Choksey’s recurring grouse is that creeping crass commercialization after the end of the Nehru era put paid to such idealistic ventures of filmmakers of the yesteryears.
However, doyens like Mehboob Khan, Raj Kapoor, V Shantaram, Bimal Roy etc kept the flame aglow. Choksey is unabashedly delighted to note that filmmakers like Shyam Benegal, Govind Nihlali, Raju Hirani and Aamir Khan became glorious torch-bearers of  the idealism the stalwarts of the fifties and sixties had depicted in their cinema.
In fact, Choksey is so enamoured of Amir Khan’s films such as ‘Laagan’, ‘Rang De Basanti’,” Three idiots” and his serial ‘Satyamev Jayate” that  he has devoted a full chapter eulogizing the super star.
The book begins with beginning of the Indian cinema. In the first chapter—Mahatma Gandhi Aur cinema—he recalls wistfully how Hindu religion was a major determinant of Gandhi’s personality as well as Dada Sahab Falke’s cinema. Both were born with a year’s difference. The first Indian film ‘Raja Harishchandra” was produced in 1913. Incidentally, the mythological character of Harishchandra had greatly influenced Mohan Das during his childhood. .
The author argues that Clarian call of the Mahatma to the masses to become bold and fearless hugely benefited the cinema in its formative years. He mentions in this context Gandhi’s powerful speech in Banaras in 1916 in the function to mark foundation of the BHU.
According to Choksey, the masses, particularly the working class, felt adequately emboldened following the Gandhi’s call to shed fear and came out of  their  homes in drove to watch mythological movies in run-down but burgeoning cinema halls across India. The first decade of the Indian cinema (1913-1922) saw production of 91 films and all were mythological.
The films veered to social themes (Chapter two—non-cooperation movement and cinema) as Gandhi’s footprints deepened  across the country.
This was the period when the first World War had just ended and Gandhi’s  fast-growing appeal among the masses had convinced him that the time was ripe to wage a sustained war against the British regime. He had sensed  furore among Indian Muslims against allied forces’ war on Caliph of Turkey. Thus, Khilafat  movement was conceptualized as a potent weapon to trouble the British on one hand and forge Hindu-Muslim unity, on the other. The movement evoked widespread turmoil in India.
Debaki Bose was one of the thousands of youths who heeded the Gandhi’s call and quit college. Later he produced a film “ Chandidas” which was based on love story between a Brahmin man and washerwoman. Gandhi’s influence on the film was unmistakable.
Around this time, another idealist film maker V Shantaram emerged on the cinema firmament. He would play a long innings and produce-direct several films, many of which  had an indelible Gandhian mark.
Another significant film which bore the imprint of Gandhian teaching on untouchability was Ashok Kumar-starrer “Acchut Kanya”(1936).V Shantaram’s “ Dunia Na Mane”(1937) on mismatch marriage between  a minor girl and aged widower  was also inspired by  Gandhi’s call to remove inequality in the society.
When the cinema found its voice, Gandhi’s message through films became bolder and easier to comprehend. In chapter 3(cinema and voice of society), Choksey writes that voice had entered the cinema in 1927 with advent of first talkie in America-‘Jazz Singer’.
First Indian talkie film was Ardesher Irani’s ‘Alam  Aaara’ which was released on March 14,1931. In the same year Charlie Chaplin met Mahatma Gandhi in London. Four years later, Charlie Chaplin would produce the classic’ Modern Times’ depicting dehumanizing effects of the machine.
The film endorsed Gandhi’s opposition to rampant mechanization. Thus, the all- time great filmmaker tacitly acknowledged influence of Gandhi who he had met in London.
In fact, most of Chaplin’s 70 films, notably,” the Kids”, ‘City Lights”, “Lime Lights” champion the cause of human compassion which was central to the Gandhi’s philosophy.
The chapter 4–contribution of Gandhian movement to cinema; films based on woman emancipation—points out to significant departure from the past about the way the burgeoning film industry had functioned till then.  The forties was marked by arrival of share market player Chandulal shah in the cinema arena. He brought commercialization in the cinema. His ventures were a   sharp break from mythology-based films which had been dominating the cinema.
However, filmmakers such as V Shantaram remained steadfastly committed to meaningful cinema espousing Gandhian values. His film,’Amar Jyoti’ was a portrayal of revolt of the heroin against her drunkard husband. This was the period when a large number of women had cast off inhibition to take part in the freedom movement.
Shantaram’s another production ‘Padosi’ reflected Hindu-Muslim unity, another powerful message of  the Mahatma. Sohrab Modi’s ‘Pukar’ created a massive flutter as it showed emperor Jahangir punishing his beloved wife on a complaint of  a poor Hindu woman.
But the most revolutionary film was’ Roti’ by Mehboob Khan which subtly exposed the divide and rule policy of the British and strengthened the Gandhi’s cause. Mehboob’s another film ‘Nazma’ was way ahead of its time; it depicted a progressive Muslim woman who opposes veil and eventually   manages to win over the conservative in-laws.
By the mid-forty communist –inspired Indian Peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) had focused more on peasants and their plight in plays and films. Gandhain idealism was less pronounced in films of  the Marxist artistes but they too did not completely divorce their art from core Gandhian  values.
Next chapter– A spiritual tragedy—is less about films and more about the tragic developments that led to partition of the country and, subsequently, Gandhi’s assassination. It is an elaborate lamentation on the pernicious rise of communalism. The author sounds too much carried away by the historical factors behind the growing conflicts between the two communities to offer a dispassionate interlink between the cinema and politics of the period.
Writer’s grief continues in the next chapter 6—   Nehru era: golden period of Indian cinema—even though, paradoxically, it was shown by him as golden period for the Indian cinema.
The chapter begins with Nehru’s “trust with destiny” speech on the midnight of 14-15 august 1947. The film industry faced initial roadblocks after independence as leaders like C Rajgopalachari and Morarji were too prudish to encourage cinema. They considered cinema world of sins. Entertainment tax  on films was as high as 150% in some states. The Censor Board was rather too strict.
But the odds did not daunt many filmmakers and number of movie production continued to increase.
In this period Gandhian ideology  was not as much visible as Nehrvian  socialism was on the cinema. Nehru was the darling of the masses. The socio-political milieu was suffused with optimism. However, the undercurrent of  Gandhian idealism continued to motivate filmmakers like V Shantaram. His film on dowry-Dahej — melodramatically depicted suicide by the heroin ,whose poor father fails to satisfy the greed of the daughter’s in-laws. Kedar Sharma’s film Jogan went a step further. In the film, a debauch landlord marries off his talented and beautiful sister to a rich family in the hope of improving his own poor financial condition. The heroin rebels  and renounces the world to become a Jogan.
The fifties was marked by three developments of far reaching significance for the film industry; the holding of the first international film festival, SK Patil report on the industry and screening of classic film ‘Awara’. Raj Kapoor-starrer ‘Awara’ would in years to come become a huge success internationally, particularly in the then USSR.
In 1955, Satyajit Ray produced Pather Panchali. This one film altered the grammar of the Indian cinema. Ray made a total 28 film till he breathed last in 1991. Realism in the Indian cinema based on writings of noted Bangla authors is an unmatched contribution of Ray which greatly influenced successive directors in varying degrees.
Although the realism in the Ray’s films had no direct relation with Gandhian ideology, the starkness  of poverty  in India jolted the masses from the slumber induced by the escapism that characterized and continues to characterize Indian films.
The best and by far the most shocking revelation of the wretchedness of the Indian peasantry, however, was shown by Mehboob Khan in his all-time great film ,’Mother India’. The film bore the imprint of Marxism and Gandhiism in equal measure.
V Shantaram’s ‘Do Ankhe ,Barah Haath’ was a quintessential Gandhain film. Inspired by the Gandhian thoughts, the jailer in the film sets out to  reform six hardened criminals. He sacrifices himself in the noble mission.
From Nehru’s death to Emergency (chapter 8) was a period when most remarkable films on bold social themes got made.
The chapter dwells at length on the representative films of the period such as ‘Guide’, ‘Teesari Kasam’, ‘Satyakaam’  which are redolent of  Gandhian morality.
However, the writer wisely refrains from interpreting the films of the period in terms of  Gandhian values. Bucolic beauty of the  Indian rural life and growing dehumanization caused by migration of the population towards the cities find ample resonance in several  notable films of the period.
Choksey rues the fact that the onset of  economic liberalization in early nineties brought about  certain hedonistic changes in the cinematic experiences and preferences of the masses which  sadly manifested  themselves  in low viewership of the films on Gandhi.
He refers to ‘the Making of the Mahatma ‘ by Shyam Benegal to buttress his point. Although made with due diligence and exhaustive research on Gandhi’s years in South Africa, the film did not do well commercially.
Kamal Hasan’s film “Hey Ram”, with Naseeruddin Shah cast as Gandhi also proved a flop. Several other films on Gandhi too had the similar fate.
But, the writer notes with optimism, that Gandhi was reinvented by  Raju Hirani who gave a  delicious, if hilarious, twist to the Mahatma’s message in cult film “ Lage Raho Munna Bhai”.