Thursday, July 16, 2015

Skating on Thin Ice

Skating on Thin Ice

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Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister faces imminent threat to his seat as Vyapam toll count grows and discomfort in the BJP grows
By Rakesh Dixit
Becoming Madhya Pra-desh’s longest serving chief minister has been Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s long cherished goal. But will his dream run end as yet another case of coming so close yet being so far? Right now, Chouhan is just four months short of surpassing his predecessor Digvijaya Singh’s 10 year record as CM. But the raging fire of the Vyapam admissions and appointments scam threatens to singe Chouhan’s grand ambitions. From a confident and proud CEO of his state, he has become a veritable political wreck. And questions are being asked in Delhi, and that too within his own party, the BJP, about whether he will survive this agnipariksha.
The scam hit the national headlines at a time when the BJP is battling an onslaught of corruption charges that has already corroded the clean image of the Modi government. But the Vyapam scam is unlike the allegations of impropriety leveled at external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj and Rajasthan Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje. For a start there is no Lalit Modi to blame for leveling wild charges. Much of the facts that have become public are based on police investigations, court observations and government record. The scam involves thousands of victims, hundreds of crores of rupees and comes crucially with the stench of death. The list of those linked to the scam, who have died under mysterious circumstances, seems to be growing by the day and BJP spokespersons have been having a tough time defending the indefensible. If sources in the BJP are to be believed, there is a big question mark on how long the party will rally around Chouhan. Or will it leave the Madhya Pradesh chief minister to his devices and let him handle the crisis on his own?
TRAIL OF DEAD
The big blow for Chouhan came on July 9 when the Supreme Court ordered a CBI probe into the multi-crore admissions and recruitment scam. The court order followed an unprecedented nationwide outrage over mysterious deaths of over 40 accused and witnesses related to the multi-layered swindle that has caused over 2,000 arrests, including those of politicians, bureaucrats, job racketeers, middlemen and businessmen, apart from a large number of medical students and their parents. Nearly 500 suspects are still absconding while 55 chargesheets have been filed in the state’s 22 courts against the beneficiaries of gross subversion of pre-medical and recruitment tests conducted by the Madhya Pradesh professional examination board since 2008.
Although the scam had snowballed into a mega corruption scandal, a crafty Shivraj Singh Chouhan managed to keep his chin up. His refrain that the Special Task Force (STF) of the state police was doing a fine job under the supervision of the Madhya Pradesh High Court may have evoked sharp protests from the Congress. But people in Madhya Pradesh had been largely insouciant. After all, corruption in medical college admissions and government jobs is acknowledged as a given in this part of the world. It is only after the relentless reports about the spate of ‘unnatural deaths’ hit the national media that trouble for Chouhan began mounting.
The most troubling of them all was the death of Akshay Singh, a TV journalist on July 4. Although the real cause of the scribe’s death is yet to be ascertained, a shaken Shivraj did everything he could to ensure that his reputation did not suffer. He even went to Akshay Singh’s house in New Delhi to offer a job to the deceased scribe’s sister and financial support which the bereaved family rejected.
Chouhan should have seen red when the special investigation team (SIT), set up in November 2014 by the Madhya Pradesh High Court to monitor the progress of the STF investigation, reported 23 unnatural deaths of those accused and witnesses in the scam on May 27. The SIT is being led by retired judge justice Chandresh Bhushan. Its status report to the court containing names of the 23 dead immediately brought other suspected deaths into sharp focus. Media speculated that the actual number of dead might be over 40. In its subsequent status report to the high court, the SIT too updated the death figure to 32 with nine more deaths being detected.
(L-R) Aaj Tak special correspondent Akshay Singh, Jabalpur Medical College dean Arun Sharma and  MP governor’s son Shailesh Yadav have all died mysteriously in the past  few months
(L-R) Aaj Tak special correspondent Akshay Singh, Jabalpur Medical College dean Arun Sharma and MP governor’s son Shailesh Yadav have all died mysteriously in the past few months
Most of the dead were young men between 25 and 30 years. The SIT report created a sensation in the local media. Till then only four suspicious deaths had hit the headlines but the police declined to probe any of them. Medical student 19-year-old Namrata Damor’s death was explained away as suicide that had occurred long before the scam surfaced. Her body was found on the railway track near Ujjain on January 6, 2012. A student of Indore medical college, Namrata had allegedly cleared the pre-medical test in 2009 fraudulently. A panel of three doctors, who conducted her postmortem, had declared she died of violent asphyxia which pointed to murder. Yet, the Ujjain police closed the case as a suicide.
The very idea that the younger generation can be prevented from moving around or that freedom to use the internet can be curtailed, sounds ridiculous. This is evident from innumerable failed attempts to curb internet and free flow of information.
Likewise, the police refused to see any foul play in the death of Governor Ram Naresh Yadav’s son Shailesh. His body was found at his Lucknow residence in March 2015. The STF was on the lookout for Shailesh for helping eight candidates clear the contract teacher test after taking `3 lakh each from them. The police also did not deem it fit to probe the gruesome death of Jabalpur Medical College dean Dr GS Sakalle who allegedly committed suicide by pouring kerosene on his body at his residence on July 4, 2014. Dr Sakalle was scrutinizing the list of medical students who got admission since 2008. And Vijay Patel, an accused in three cases of job rigging, was found dead in April, 2015 in a hotel owned by a BJP leader in Kanker (Chhattisgarh). The MP police passed the buck on to their Chhattisgarh counterparts.
The government explained away the deaths as caused by road accidents, suicides and illnesses without promising a deeper probe. But Bhushan, assured the media that he would urge the high court to order a probe by the STF into the causes of these deaths. In the days that followed, the media patiently waited for the high court to issue such an order. No one in state establishment reckoned that it was a proverbial lull.
It was on June 28 that the storm broke. On that day, veterinary surgeon Narendra Singh Tomar, 28, died in an Indore jail under mysterious circumstances. He was in custody since February for helping two medical students clear the pre-medical test in 2009. Outrage over his death was compounded by the death of Dr Rajendra Arya in a Gwalior hospital. Dr Arya, who was accused of arranging impersonators to appear in exams, was on bail since February last year after being arrested.
There was media frenzy as Aaj Tak channel’s special correspondent Akshay Singh suddenly collapsed after allegedly frothing in the mouth in distant Meghnagar town of Jhabua district on July 4. He had gone to interview the father of Namrata Damor who had mysteriously died. Singh’s death assu-med a more sinister dimension when a whistle blower and forensic expert, Dr Anand Rai, alleged that the journalist may have been insidiously administered a slow poison that reacts late but fatally with the chemicals in the body. The recovery of Jabalpur Medical College dean, Dr Arun Sharma’s body in a New Delhi hotel the following morning had the media more furiously dubbing the Vya-pam as the most murderous scandal India had ever seen.
HE FINALLY BLINKED
Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan was, predictably, a very perturbed man as the national media screamed murder and the opposition gunned for his resignation with renewed vigour. Already scarred by Lalitgate, the BJP leadership was rattled by the vociferous outburst. The chief minister, who would earlier depute his ministers to deal with media queries on the issue, finally acquiesced to the party leadership’s advice to do the explaining himself. In the press conference on July 5 at his residence in Bhopal Chouhan’s characteristic élan was missing.
He stonewalled all questions on a CBI probe by pointing out that the Madhya Pradesh High Court was satisfied with the STF enquiry and the Supreme Court too had endorsed the lower court’s decision to reject petitions for a CBI probe in the past. There-fore, he argued that agreeing to any independent probe at this stage would tantamount to insulting the high court and he would not do that. “I have utmost regard in the Indian judicial system,” he repeated ad nauseam in the press meet, only to take a U-turn the very next day.
Senior Congress leader Digvijaya Singh alleges that the chief minister had his name replaced with that of Union Minister Uma Bharti in a tampered excel sheet.
On July 6 the chief minister called media-persons to tell them that he was going to write to the high court that the state government intended to handover the STF probe to the CBI in view of growing public pressure. He attributed his decision to the public perception that he had something to hide by opposing a CBI investigation. Later, however, it transpired that his sanctimonious reverence to public perception (lok laj) was not the reason behind his volte face. The real reason was BJP president Amit Shah’s call, asking him to spare the party more opprobrium on account of the Vyapam scam.
The chief minister’s move was viewed as a desperate attempt to make a virtue out of necessity. A clutch of four petitions for a CBI probe was already slated to be heard in the Supreme Court on July 9. It was almost a foregone conclusion that in the light of the damning disclosures in the scam, parti-cularly over the 40 suspicious deaths, the apex court would have no hesitation in upholding the petitioners’ pleas. And precisely that happened. The Supreme Court also expressed displeasure with the Madhya Pradesh High Court for “washing its hands off” a similar petition of the state government a day before. The high court had refused to act on the state government’s petition for a CBI probe, citing the four petitions pending before the Supreme Court.
On the same day, the Supreme Court also served a four-week notice to the Madhya Pradesh Governor Ram Naresh Yadav and the union government on a petition seeking his removal from his post. The governor was accused of taking `3 lakh each from five candidates who appeared for a professional examination board exam. He allegedly took the money from them in the Raj Bhawan premises. The governor’s then officer on special duty, Dhanraj Yadav, is already in jail on similar bribery charges. The governor’s son, Shailesh, was also involved in the racket. Yadav’s continuation in his post had become untenable after an FIR was lodged against him in April this year on the Madhya Pradesh high court‘s direction to the STF. However, the same court stalled any action against the governor a month later accepting his contention of constitutional immunity.
SNOWBALLING EFFECT
When Chouhan ordered setting up a STF to probe into the Vyapam scam a month after it surfaced in Indore in July 2013, he probably thought it a smart move that would effectively silence the opposition. At that time, Shivraj’s popularity was at its peak. The assembly election in Madhya Pradesh was barely three months away and the main Opposition, the Congress, was too demoralized to make the burgeoning scam a potent poll plank. His gambit paid off. People bought into the chief minister’s assertion that he sincerely wanted to get to the bottom of the case. Result: the BJP returned to power in the election with a bigger majority than before.
But the scam snowballed. Initially, it looked like an exposé of a homegrown nexus of pre-medical test admission mafia and the MP professional examination board officials. But it metamorphosed into the biggest swindle of India as the board’s examination controller, Pankaj Trivedi, started singing like a canary in police custody. He confessed that a dozen-odd recruitment tests conducted by the board had been rigged since 2008. The board’s chief system analyst, Nitin Mahin-dra’s computer hard disk was a veritable minefield where names of those recommending candidates were duly mentioned in excel sheets. They included the governor, Union Minister Uma Bharti, RSS leader Suresh Soni, bureaucrats and their relatives apart from middlemen and job racketeers. The scam simply got bigger and bigger. It also gained a momentum of its own.
In Bhopal there is much speculation on what will happen to the chief minister once the CBI takes over the probe from the STF. Like the governor, the chief minister too is facing allegations of direct complicity in the scam. He is accused of having tampered with an original excel sheet from a hard disk in the Vyapam board office that had the chief minister’s name entered 48 times as a person who recommended candidates for a contract teachers recruitment test. Senior Congress leader Digvijaya Singh alleges that the chief minister had his name replaced with that of Union Minister Uma Bharti in the tampered excel sheet.
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At the moment the chief minister is clearly skating on thin ice and will need all the support of his well-wishers in the BJP high command. But will party back him? Or will his detractors seize the opportunity to settle old scores? The chief minister looks visibly shaken and unsettled and is already the shadow of the man he used to be only a few months ago. 
 

Monday, July 13, 2015

As Vyapam Goes to CBI, Hopes Rise that ‘DMAT Scam’ Will Be Probed Too


Both admission scams have not only hollowed out public health facilities in the state but also struck a blow to the aspirations, confidence and future of an entire generation

Sri Aurobindo Institute of Medicine, Indore
Aurobindo Medical College, Indore, one of several private medical colleges in Madhya Pradesh whose admissions were allegedly compromised
Bhopal: Ask whistleblowers Anand Rai, Ashish Chaturvedi and Prashant Pandey whether the Supreme Court ruling entrusting the Vyapam scam probe to the CBI has fulfilled their objectives and they will tell you that their mission in Madhya Pradesh is not quite over, for the canvas of corruption stretches much wider.
As of now, the trio is awaiting the apex court’s ruling on their petitions seeking a CBI investigation into yet another explosive admission racket in the state. This high-end scam involves IAS/IPS officers, judges as well as influential BJP and Congress politicians as beneficiaries of the manipulation of the Dental and Medical Test (DMAT) conducted by the Association of Private Dental and Medical Colleges of Madhya Pradesh (APDMC). The APDMC admits around 1500 candidates every year in undergraduate programmes run by the six private medical and 16 private dental colleges in the state.
The Supreme Court heard the DMAT petitions on July 9, the day it handed Vyapam over to the CBI. However, it deferred its verdict on how to handle this related scam by a week since the petitioners sought to provide additional information regarding the collusion of people in high places as well as the trail of black money that kept the dodgy process going. According to Rai, the DMAT scam is estimated to have netted its beneficiaries anywhere between a staggering Rs 8000 crore and Rs 10,000 crore.
List of top names
The names mentioned by the Congress and whistleblowers as beneficiaries of the DMAT scamread like a who’s who of the state’s legislative and judicial spectrum. Prominent among them is the name of Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s wife Sadhana Singh, whose niece secured admission in a Bhopal medical college in 2012. Anand Rai, who was the first to flag the issue of fraudulent admissions in private medical colleges, says that from the inception of the DMAT in 2006, as many as four ministers in the present Chouhan government and four ministers from the CM’s earlier tenure have secured admissions for close relatives in private medical colleges. But politicians weren’t the only ones to take advantage of the system. The list of alleged beneficiaries makes for impressive reading:

VIPS WHOSE WARDS HAVE ALLEGEDLY BENEFITED FROM DMAT IRREGULARITIES
JudiciaryJustice SC Sinho
Justice Abhay Gohil
Justice AK Maheshwari
Justice Shantilal Kochar
Judge PC Gupta
Judge KC Garg
Judge Shrawan Raghuvanshi
Bureaucracy and PoliceRenu Pant
Suhail Akhtar
Mahendra Singh Sikarwar
Dharmendra Chudhary
Rajesh Hingankar
BJP politiciansNarottam Mishra
Umashankar Gupta
Prakash Sonkar
Vishnu Dutta Sharma
Akhilesh Pandey
Harnam Singh Rathore
Congress politiciansArun Yadav
Arif Aqueel
Tulsi Silawat
Hajarilal Raghuvanshi
PC Sharma
Sunil Sud
Gajendra Singh
Source: Multiple press reports (1)

Hope rises, and dims
Even as the political slugfest continues in Madhya Pradesh, a recent development has made Rai, Chaturvedi and Pandey hopeful of a ruling in their favour by the Supreme Court.
Some time ago, whistleblower and former legislator Paras Saklecha moved the High Court seeking cancellation of the DMAT scheduled on June 21 this year because candidates were allowed to apply well beyond the stipulated cut-off date, in fact till the very last moment. On July 11, the Madhya Pradesh High Court passed an order acknowledging grave irregularities in DMAT 2015 and directed the APDMC to conduct the test in a more transparent manner. Issuing strict instructions to curb exam malpractices, the High Court directed APDMC to install optimal mark recognition (OMR) scanners at examination centres so as to prevent any tampering with answer sheets at a later stage. Further, the court directed that the scanned copies of completed OMR sheets be kept with different authorities, including the Principal Secretary (Home) and that these sheets be matched with the original sheets before the declaration of results.
However, the June 21 DMAT that was rescheduled to July 12, was postponed yet again. While the APDMC cited lack of preparedness to meet the Madhya Pradesh High Court’s directives as the reason for the postponement, a likelier reason is the difficulty it faces in figuring out how to deal with the candidates who have already booked seats in colleges after paying a hefty donation.
Dodgy from the word go
The DMAT has been under a cloud from its very inception in 2006. Following complaints of huge irregularities in the very first DMAT, Shivraj Singh Chouhan set up the Justice Chandresh Bhushan committee to monitor DMAT-linked cases. This is the same Justice Bhushan who later became chairman of the special investigation team (SIT) that monitored the investigation of the special task force (STF) into the Vyapam scam before the Supreme Court ordered a CBI probe into it on July 9.
Justice Bhushan had the first DMAT cancelled in the wake of allegations of question paper leaks and other irregularities. The credibility of the DMAT took another hit when the Bhopal Crime Branch seized incriminating documents, post-dated cheques and cash from an employee of a private dental college at Bhopal.
The trajectory of the DMAT was not very different the following year either. In 2007, it was the turn of the student wing of the ruling BJP, namely the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), to petition the Madhya Pradesh High Court for closer police scrutiny of the admission test process. Similar grounds of gross opacity in the admission process were cited in the petition to demand the cancellation of DMAT 2007.  However, the court’s intervention did little to restore the test’s credibility.  The APDMC’s gravy train continued undeterred on the rails of huge amounts of money coughed up by ineligible candidates upon securing admission.
Five years later, in October 2013, when the Bhopal police came within inches of exposing the scam, it seemed as if the APDMC’s uninterrupted run was finally about to end. However, the operation was scuttled due to political intervention. Reason: Madhya Pradesh assembly elections were barely a month away and the ruling BJP was obviously not inclined to antagonise the owners of private medical colleges, all of whom had liberally financed the party’s expensive election campaign. It was quid pro quo time.
Investigations thwarted
Police officers state on condition of anonymity that had it not been for instructions from their political masters to obfuscate the investigation, the DMAT scam would have unravelled easily after the interrogation of LN Medical College director Anupam Chouksey in October 2013.
Secretary Mr. Anupam Chouksey Sir Welcoming Honorable Chief Guests At State Hanger, Bhopal.
File photo from 2013 of Anupam Chouksey, Kapil Sibal and Ghulam Nabi Azad, at the time Union HRD and Health ministers respectively in the former UPA government, with the caption ‘Secretary Mr. Anupam Chouksey Sir Welcoming Honorable Chief Guests At State Hanger, Bhopal’. Credit: LN College Facebook page
Chouksey also happens to be secretary of the APDMC and is a supporter of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which has used the college campus for its brainstorming sessions. In fact, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has even stayed in the LN college campus.
During his interrogation, Chouksey reportedly told the police that it was a fairly common practice to sell exam forms beyond the cut-off date so that students could appear in the test. Subsequent police investigations uncovered more aspects of the scam. For instance, the arrest of Nagarjuna, a resident of Andhra Pradesh, from a Bhopal hotel in November 2013 revealed that he was a commission agent who got aspiring candidates from Andhra Pradesh for the DMAT test in Madhya Pradesh. The 25-year-old Nagarjuna, an MBA from Bangalore, was accused of issuing forged admission letters and was interrogated for his links with other gangs involved in forgery of documents in the city.
In fact, the entire modus operandi of the DMAT scam came to light in 2013 when over a dozen students from Andhra Pradesh complained of being duped of Rs 3 crore by a gang that had promised them admission in private medical and dental colleges in Madhya Pradesh. What’s more, in the course of police investigation it was ascertained that the accused in the case had links with LN Medical College as well as the APDMC office. The father of one of the students later posted a video on YouTube and complained that despite Chouksey’s arrest, their money had still not been returned.
The connections could not have been more glaring: One of the arrested individuals, Surendra Singh Chouhan, had introduced himself to the complainants as a personal assistant of the college director Anupam Chouksey. In some cases, victims allegedly paid money to Chouhan even outside Chouksey’s chamber at LN Medical College.
In all, six interstate gangs involved in the swindle of providing forged admission letters for medical seats to the tune of Rs 3 crore were busted by the police. One complainant said he had paid around Rs 17 lakh for a medical seat for his son for the next academic session.  On raiding the DMAT office, the police recovered around Rs 5 lakh cash and seized admission records and computers from the office. But the matter simply did not proceed beyond this stage.
Evidence kept surfacing all over, pointing to the deep rot in the system. Around the same time, a scam in the Bachelor of Dental Surgery (BDS) admission test was unearthed in Barkatullah University of Bhopal by the Madhya Pradesh police. In this instance, hired writers wrote the answers outside the exam hall. Around two dozen persons were arrested. During the same month, i.e. October 2013, one Komal Pandey was arrested for duping dozens of students throughout the country by assuring them seats in private medical colleges of Madhya Pradesh. Yet the scam continued unhindered. The police did not follow the trail of the crimes with due diligence. Consequently, the cases faded from public memory.
DMAT scale vs Vyapam range
RNY at Index College
File photo from 2012 of Madhya Pradesh Governor Ram Naresh Yadav, accused by the police of involvement in the Vyapam scam but protected by constitutional immunity, at a function at the Index Medical College in Indore. Credit: indexgroup.co.in
In terms of their morphology, the DMAT fraud is less complicated then the multi-layered Vyapam scam.  When the Shivraj Singh Chouhan government privatised medical education, it created the need for a separate test for admission to private medical colleges. In 2006, with the approval of the Medical Council of India (MCI) and the Union Health Ministry, a separate test was held for seats in the management quota in private medical colleges in Madhya Pradesh. Later, following a Supreme Court ruling stipulating reservation of 15 per cent seats for Non Resident Indians (NRIs), it was decided with the consent of all stakeholders that 58 per cent of the seats (including 43 per cent management quota and 15 per cent NRI quota) would be filled through admission tests conducted by private medical and dental colleges, while the remaining 42 per cent seats would be filled through the pre-medical test (PMT) conducted for government colleges by the Madhya Pradesh Professional Examination Board (MPPEB), or Vyapam, in which candidates who score below the cut-off marks required for government colleges are offered seats in the private medical colleges.
As the body representing private medical colleges, the APDMC has devised ways and means of ensuring that nearly 100 per cent of its seats are sold for a handsome price. The association books seats in advance for a price starting from Rs 15 lakh for almost all the 58 per cent seats that fall under its dispensation. The candidates who are ‘booked’ are told to leave their OMR sheet blank so that the correct answers can be written on them later.
The remaining 42 percent seats are filled by Vyapam employing three kinds of fraud as has been described by this correspondent in The Wire in an earlier report: one, brilliant students are hired to impersonate registered candidates; two, brilliant students or scorers are seated along with ‘booked’ aspirants ‘engine and bogey’ style so that the aspirants can copy from their answer sheets for a price; and, three, OMR sheets are left blank or incomplete to be filled with correct answers later. This last method was common to the DMAT exam as well.
Cover of the prospectus for DMAT 2015
Cover of the prospectus for DMAT 2015
The method whereby a brilliant student register himself as a dummy candidate, works smoothly. Once the result is out, the successful dummies vacate their seats at the last moment. The APDMC then fills the resulting vacancies with candidates from the management quota who are willing to pay a high price for those seats. The exam takers who vacate their seats are paid between Rs 2 lakh to Rs 3 lakh each.
There is some overlap between the modus operandi of Vyapam and DMAT but unlike the former, which has spawned a complex nexus of several hundred beneficiaries making money at the expense of thousands of gullible youths seeking recruitment or admission to medical colleges, the DMAT scam resembles a cosy club of the rich and the influential, such as politicians, judges, bureaucrats and businessmen. Also, there is a vast difference in the stakes involved in the two scams: while an undergraduate seat in a government medical college would fetch an average of Rs 3 lakh to Rs 5 lakh in the Vyapam scheme of things, the same seat in a private medical college would fetch the owner up to Rs 1 crore through the DMAT fraud.
There is also a vital difference in the way the two admission scams have been perceived by people in Madhya Pradesh. The Vyapam scandal, which impacted a large number of youths largely from the middle and lower middle classes, made a deep impression on the minds of the people. The shocking spectacle of boys and girls being herded to police stations like hardened criminals and poignant stories of parents having pawned their worldly assets to procure the amount required to secure admission for their children to medical colleges has pricked the collective consciousness of the state. The DMAT scam, on the other hand, has been viewed cynically as an exchange of wealth between affluent sections of society. Perhaps that is why it did not become a bigger issue until now.
Moreover, while news about the DMAT racket has made it to the local media time and again, the fact that newspaper proprietors belong to the same cosy club has prevented the occasional news items from building up to a sustained media campaign against corruption in the sector of higher professional education. To put it baldly, private medical colleges are a big source of advertisement revenue for newspapers. There are instances of individuals associated with such institutions who own newspapers, among them Suresh Vijayvargiya (Peoples’ Group) and JN Chouksey of the LN Group of colleges.
Two sides of corrupt coin
However, now that the lid has been blown off the Vyapam scandal, the domino effect has come into play. The growing public outrage over the magnitude of Vyapam-related ‘unnatural deaths’ as well as the arrest on May 30 of an accused, Yogesh Uprit, with links to both Vyapam and DMAT has made people view DMAT for what it is: an extension of the canker of Vyapam that has affected the fortunes of an entire generation.
Yogesh Uprit. Credit: Nai Dunia
Yogesh Uprit. Credit: Nai Dunia
Uprit, 75, was arrested by an officer of the SIT in Gwalior on the charge of helping a medical student from Jabalpur secure a postgraduate seat in the Jabalpur Medical College after taking Rs 25 lakh from her father, a well known neurologist. Uprit’s arrest resulted in a closer scrutiny of the link between Vyapam and DMAT as he has played a key role in both – in the capacity of director in Vyapam and, post-retirement, as controller DMAT, as desired by the APDMC. While in custody, Uprit apparently confessed to having copied the template of Vyapam’s former chief system analyst Nitin Mahindra (now in prison) for manipulating the DMAT.
Uprit also told investigators that the modus operandi used in Vyapam and DMAT was the same. Candidates who paid money were told to leave their OMR sheets blank so that they could be filled with the right answers later.
Most importantly, Uprit disclosed that the DMAT has been a complete sham since its very inception, with all its seats being sold to bidders in high places capable of paying high prices. He divulged that from 2006 onward, every successive health minister in the Shivraj Singh Chouhan government has taken Rs 10 crore from the APDMC to desist from exposing the scam. No wonder that State Congress chief Arun Yadav has been quick to state that Uprit’s allegations are so grave that either he should be booked for making sensational accusations or the ministers he has accused should be arrested.
Mind-numbing figures
Assuming that Uprit’s confession of 100 per cent rigging in the DMAT is true, the scam is estimated to be in the region of Rs 8,000 to Rs 10,000 crore, rivalling Vyapam in magnitude. In nine years, more than 13,000 admissions have taken place in private medical and dental colleges. Around 1,500 graduate and postgraduate seats were filled up every year in private colleges. Candidates reportedly paid between Rs 15 lakh and Rs 1 crore to secure a Bachelor of Dental Surgery (BDS), MBBS or postgraduate seat. Going by that, says whistleblower Anand Rai, “over Rs 10,000 crore has easily been transacted in the DMAT scam. All the seats in the private colleges were compromised.“
In a similar vein, 26-year-old Chaturvedi stresses the importance of CBÏ “taking up the investigation of the DMAT scam under the monitoring of Supreme Court precisely because of the many prominent people involved.”
To lend weight to the accusations in their petitions to the Supreme Court, Rai, Chaturvedi and Pandey have cited the decision of the state’s Admission and Fee Regulatory Committee (AFRC) to impose a fine of Rs 13.10 crore on six private medical colleges in the state for massive irregularities in conducting admission tests from 2010 to 2013. All the six medical colleges have been found guilty of fraudulently converting seats under the state quota into management seats so as to earn exorbitant profits from their sale to candidates. The MCI has asked all those colleges to surrender the state quota seats that they have thus manipulated. On its part, the APDMC has moved the Supreme Court against the MCI directive as well as AFRC’s decision to slap a fine on th

Saturday, July 11, 2015

Why Uma Bharti is Happy that the CBI Will Now Probe Vyapam


File photo of Union Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation Minister Uma Bharti with RK Pachauri, Director General, TERI, and Venkatesh Kini, President, Coca-Cola India at the inauguration of the Department of Regional Water Studies at TERI University . PTI Photo by Subhav Shukla
IN SEVENTH HEAVEN: File photo of Union Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation Minister Uma Bharti.
PTI Photo by Subhav Shukla
Bhopal: The Supreme Court order of July 9 entrusting the Vyapam scam probe to the CBI has provided Union Minister Uma Bharti with a rare opportunity to settle an old score with Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan.
In her eyes, Chouhan is the man because of whom she lost her position as chief minister of Madhya Pradesh a decade ago, a personal catastrophe that prompted her to walk out of the party and remain in the political wilderness for six long years. And he has continued to be the reason that she has been kept away from the affairs of the state by the party top brass despite her return to the BJP fold in 2011. That is why Bharti – who was the only BJP leader to have endorsed the Congress demand for a CBI probe into the Vyapam scandal barely four months after it was exposed in July 2013  – considers the court’s order  especially sweet music to her ears.
Bharti’s grouse goes back to November 26, 2005 when she was upstaged by Chouhan who was elected as leader of the BJP legislature party, following which Bharti left the party in a huff. Until her return to the BJP fold in 2011, Bharti often called the chief minister bachcha chor,or kidnapper, her way of referring to the manner in which Chouhan ‘hijacked’ the reins of power that she had wrested single-handedly from the two-time Congress chief minister Digvijay Singh in the 2003 assembly election. In fact, Bharti believes that even after her return to the party in 2011, her continued ‘externment’ from Madhya Pradesh has been due to the influence Chouhan has vis-a-vis the BJP high command.
Her recent attack on the chief minister suggests that she has found an appropriate weapon to strike back at her bête noire who is vulnerable like never before on account of the Vyapam scam. Her likely weapon of choice is a pen drive that is said to contain proof of Chouhan having saved his skin by implicating Bharti instead .
Pen drive, Excel sheet
The pen drive contains  a copy of the “original excel sheet” that  whistleblower Prashant Pandey  had retrieved  from the computer hard disk of the Madhya Pradesh Professional Examination Board/Vyavasayik Pareeksha Mandal (Vyapam) chief system analyst Nitin Mahindra soon after the cash-for-job scandal had surfaced in July 2013.
Pandey, a cyber expert from Indore, was hired by the special task force (STF) appointed to probe the scam to crack the Board’s computer data. Later he supplied a photocopy of the retrieved excel sheet to Congress leader Digvijaya Singh who, in turn, submitted it to the special investigation team (SIT) that was monitoring the STF force investigation on the order of the Madhya Pradesh High Court.
Interestingly, the Congress leader that Bharti worked so hard to defeat in the 2003 state assembly elections is the one who has helped create the circumstances for her to get back at Chouhan. The Congress held that the Crime Branch, Indore, which cracked the first Vyapam case on July 7, 2013, tampered with the original excel sheet which contained the chief minister’s name in over 40 places as a recommender for candidates in various recruitment tests. Further, that the sheet was doctored to substitute the CM’s name with that of Uma Bharti and ‘Raj Bhawan’. Subsequently, SIT chairman, Justice Chandresh Bhushan, dismissed the proof provided by Digvijaya Singh as a forgery, which was endorsed by the Madhya Pradesh High Court as well, prompting Chouhan to use this clean chit as the biggest proof of his innocence against detractors who said he feared a CBI probe because it would expose him as complicit in the scam.
In the past few weeks, as outrage over the trail of as many as 46 unexplained deaths related to Vyapam hit the national agenda due to comprehensive media coverage, Bharti broke her silence on Vyapam. In doing so she seemed to be on the same page as whistleblower Prashant Pandey and Digvijaya Singh.
The Union Water Resources Minister too held that “when the Indore Crime Branch was sharing information with the STF regarding the probe, discrepancies took place’. She was alluding to the allegedly doctored excel sheet that substituted the chief minister’s name with hers some 23 times. Her claim is an implicit endorsement of the evidence Digvijaya Singh provided, which was rejected by the SIT.  Even before the Supreme Court ordered a CBi probe, Bharti had urged Chouhan to have those discrepancies probed to ensure that people were not falsely implicated. Now she has every reason to be hopeful that the CBI would do what she had expected from the chief minister.
Sadhvi and her priest
The present tun in the Vyapam case is entirely due to the efforts of whistleblowers like Prashant Pandey who is confident that the CBI, with its professional competence and cyber expertise would be able to detect the tampering of the excel sheet that originally is said to have contained Chouhan’s name. He believes the CBI is competent to retrieve data that may have been destroyed by the Indore Crime Branch. Pandey’s statement that the CBI should be able to nail “the chief minister’s lie” is exactly what Bharti was looking forward to when she told the media earlier this week that she has feared for her life and that of her supporters ever since the Vyapam scam surfaced.
What has provoked the fiery politician was the appearance of her name in the local media as a recommender for 17 candidates in a test for contractual teachers. Her joining hands with the opposition on the issue rattled the chief minister on whose insistence the then director general of police, Nandan Dubey rushed to her residence to say that her name was not among the accused but merely as a reference.
While Bharti was not pacified, she chose to keep mum on the subject. If anything, her seething, pent-up anger ensured that the STF buried the case mentioning her name in the maze of other cases. SIT chief justice Chandresh Bhushan wanted an FIR registered against the Union minister but the STF sleuths resisted the pressure on the grounds that she had not taken any money from the candidates; moreover that there was no evidence or witness to prove the charges. Later, Uma Bharti’s family priest Liladhar Pachori was made a witness by the STF in a case related to bungling in a test for contractual teachers. Pachori was allegedly recommended for the post of a contractual teacher and his name was found on the excel sheet recovered from the computer of Nitin Mahindra. However, while the STF let Bharti off the hook and instead concluded that Pachori was recommended by OP Shukla, who was OSD to former technical education minister Laxmikant Sharma (both Shukla and Sharma are in jail), the Congress continues to state that Pachori, who used to stay in the servant’s quarters of Bharti’s B-6 Shyamla Hills residence, was recommended by Bharti.
Cry of double standards
Bharti has accused the STF of adopting double standards in the Vyapam case. Her argument is that if the STF sought to make her an accused just because her family priest was suspected as a beneficiary in a contractual teachers’ test, then the chief minister too should have been made an accused because his personal assistant Prem Chand Prasad was charge-sheeted in the scam. Prasad is accused of having secured admission for his daughter in a medical college through dubious means.
In an interview to India Today magazine last week, Bharti said that Prem Chand Prasad’s association with Chouhan was far closer than Pachori’s with her. “I find it difficult to digest that the police have named me as an accused while not taking any action against the chief minister,” she said.
As for the embattled CM, he has always been evasive on questions regarding Bharti’s outbursts. After all, he has endured her taunts in the past as well. “I have never reacted to her comments, even when she was not in the BJP. She is an esteemed leader and like my sister,” says Chouhan.
On July 13, as the STF hands over the Vyapam case to the CBI as per the Supreme Court order, all eyes will be on Bharti’s next move.  Will she go on record to say that the Indore crime branch deliberately bungled the case to implicate her?  It will also be interesting to watch  whether she  will put on record the STF’s  ‘double standard’ in implicating her for  her family priest’s alleged misdeed while giving the benefit of the doubt to the chief minister, whose personal assistant  is accused of  benefiting from the Vyapam code of manipulation in a pre-medical test.
It will provide no mean satisfaction to Bharti that Chouhan’s influence with the BJP high command is also on the wane. The scam has not only shaken the chief minister but has also earned the wrath of top BJP leaders. Acting upon Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s terse instructions, Union Minister Ananth Kumar (who is in charge of the BJP’s Madhya Pradesh affairs) had a midnight meeting with the chief minister and other senior party leaders from Madhya Pradesh on July 8 -9 in New Delhi.
Once Prime Minister Modi returns from his Central Asian tour, he is expected to take stock of the political fallout of the scam. An indication of his assessment of the crisis is likely to reflect in BJP president Amit Shah’s scheduled meeting with party leaders of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh on July 12 in Bhopal.
Uma Bharti, for one, must be looking forward to the outcome of this meeting.

Tuesday, July 7, 2015

After rapid political rise, Chouhan may never recover from cash-for-jobs scandal



Once seen as a prime ministerial candidate, the Madhya Pradesh chief minster is now trying just to survive the crisis.
Photo Credit: STRDEL/AFP
The cash-for-jobs, or Vyapam, scam surfaced four months before a moment of glory for Madhya Pradesh’s Bharatiya Janata Party chief minister, Shivraj Singh Chouhan. Already eight years in office, the chief minister was hailed as the hero of a spectacular electoral victory in the state assembly election of 2013.

Sporadic cases of ineligible candidates being granted admission to the state’s six medical colleges had been surfacing in the media for many years. The public also had a sense of the longstanding nexus between Madhya Pradesh’s professional examination officials and admission touts.

But until then, the scam was mostly seen as being confined to rigging in pre-medical tests conducted by the Madhya Pradesh professional examination board, which determines admission to professional colleges and recruits people for government jobs.

In September 2013, in police custody, Pankaj Trivedi, the board’s examination controller and the racket’s kingpin, had started spilling the beans about the rigging of recruitment tests for government jobs, but the ramifications of his confession were still hazy.

The opposition Congress did try to corner the chief minister on the scam in the run-up to the 2013 assembly election but it was too demoralised and disunited to make it an effective poll plank. The chief minister blunted the opposition’s attack by setting up a special task force to investigate the scam. People bought into Chouhan’s ploy. The result was the BJP’s hat-trick election win.

Worst crisis

After the win, however, embarrassment for the chief minister began to mount as the special task force started arresting several of those accused on the basis of Trivedi’s confession. The computer hard disk of the board’s chief system analyst, Nitin Mahindra, offered many clues. It contained spreadsheets in which the accused had recommended people to be improperly admitted or given jobs.

One of the spreadsheets contained the chief minister’s name as a recommender for candidates, according to the All-India Congress Committee general secretary Digvijay Singh. The Madhya Pradesh high court later dismissed the Congress’s attempts to present this as proof of the chief minister’s direct complicity, saying the name was forged. But Chouhan dreads the prospect of that being re-examined by an independent agency. This is why is he is dead against agreeing to a CBI probe into scam, despite a nationwide clamour for one.

Once seen as a prime ministerial candidate, Shivraj Singh Chouhan is now staring at the worst political crisis of his career. A spate of mysterious deaths related to the scam have surfaced, making things very tense for him.

He has never looked as downcast in public as he did during a press conference at his residence in Bhopal on July 5, the day after the shocking death of TV journalist Akshay Singh in Meghnagar of Jhabua district. “I am prepared to face any consequence,” he said, with what sounded like false bravado.

Smaller storms

At the same time, Shivraj Singh Chouhan has weathered other, if more minor, storms. Barely one and a half years into his first term, he faced a massive corruption charge. In 2007, a Bhopal court admitted a complaint alleging that the chief minister’s wife, Sadhna Singh, had bought four dumpers, or loading trucks, worth Rs 2 crore in all. and had leased them to a Rewa-based cement factory. Since the factory owner was known to be close to the chief minister, allegations of a quid-pro-quo flew thick and fast. The Lokayukta took up the case, but exonerated the Chouhan couple four years later.

Then in October 2012, the chief minister had to deal with the fallout of income tax raids on the offices and residences of his childhood friend, the billionaire builder-contractor Dilip Suryavanshi, whose wealth had grown exponentially during Chouhan’s rule.  The opposition went after the chief minister, alleging that he had facilitated his friend to turn a billionaire from a petty contractor by generously awarding him the state government’s road contracts. The chief minister weathered this as well because the opposition failed to come up with concrete evidence for its claims.

Chouhan also faces accusations that he has promoted his family’s alleged sand-mining business and the Shiva Construction company in particular, of which his elder brother, Narendra Singh Chouhan, the Congress says is a partner. Chouhan denies all these allegations, no one has indeed yet been able to offer any evidence for them.

Chouhan is also aware of talk that his flamboyant wife Sadhna Singh has a say in appointing officials and awarding contract. Chouhan is so touchy about any negative statement about his wife that he sued a former leader of the opposition, Ajay Singh, for saying that she had bought a currency-counting machine. Recently, a journalist from an English daily got a notice of eviction from his government-allotted house for describing Sadhna Singh in print as “a queen of controversy”.

According to some, the state lokayukta, justice PP Naolekar, has not been as aggressive in investigating corruption, for which Chouhan has extended his six-year tenure by a year.

Rapid rise
Chouhan considers his wife a political blessing, according to those close to him. Since their marriage in 1991, his political stock has risen phenomenally. A son of a farmer, he was elected to the state assembly for the first time in 1990. A year later, he got a chance to represent the Vidisha Lok Sabha constituency, which former prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee had vacated in favour of a seat in Lucknow. Since then Chouhan has represented Vidisha five times, only to vacate the seat in 2005 on being elected chief minister.

In state politics, his initial mentor was former MLA Salig Ram Shrivastava.  But an ambitious Chouhan soon hitched his stars to former chief minister Sundar Lal Patwa. After he was exposed to national politics, Chouhan lost on time in becoming close to the powerful triumvirate of Vajpayee-LK Advani-Pramod Mahajan.

Advani, in particular, took a great liking to the young Chouhan. The BJP patriarch’s blessings ensured that Chouhan got in quick succession the posts of the Bhartiya Janata Yuva Morcha national secretary, then president, then BJP national general secretary, and finally, that of Madhya Pradesh BJP president. Although he assiduously maintains a safe distance from perceived detractors of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he is still considered a staunch Advani acolyte and his equation with Narendra Modi is far from warm.

In the run-up to the 2014 Lok Sabha election, a section of the media sought to project Chouhan as Modi’s potential rival. Advani’s fulsome praise for the Madhya Pradesh chief minister only added weight to the speculation. But a shrewd Chouhan always made it a point to dispel such an impression.

On thin ice

Since Modi’s ascendance and Advani’s consequent eclipse, Chouhan is acutely conscious of the fact that he can no longer count on the high command’s blessings in taming his detractors within the party. For nearly nine years as chief minister, Chouhan faced virtually no opposition from within the BJP.

Uma Bharti, a former chief minster, from 2003 December to August 2004, was the exception. His coronation as chief minister in November 2005 took place even as Uma Bharti walked out of a BJP legislative party meeting with her half a dozen MLA supporters. For the next two years, Chouhan endured the rebel sanyasin’s ‘Bachcha Chor’ (child thief) taunt, which suggested he had hijacked a government that Uma Bharti felt she had  put in place by dethroning the Congress’s Digvijay Singh in the 2003 assembly election.

On the job, however, Chouhan proved to be a quick learner. Within a month of assuming office, he replaced a forthright chief secretary Vijay Singh with the pliable bureaucrat Rakesh Sahni. It was a bold move, sending a strong message to other politicians and bureaucrats.  Although not a visionary, Chouhan is credited with showing political wisdom. He initiated populist schemes such as the Ladli Laxmi Yojana, for the welfare of girls, offering free tickets to elderly people travelling to Hindu and Muslim pilgrim centres and giving zero-interest loans to farmers.

He also periodically met different groups, such as women, farmers, drivers, students, etc., at his residence. However, this massive scam in the government threatens to become a huge blot on his otherwise not-so-unsatisfactory record.

Shivraj was born in March 1959 to Prem Singh Chouhan and his wife Sundar Bai in the Jait village of Sehore district. He came to Bhopal to study in Model School, where his oratory skills earned him popularity and in 1975 the post of student union president. He joined the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh as a young student. As an RSS volunteer he spent some time in jail during the Emergency.

Later, he joined the BJP’s student wing, the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarti Parishad, while studying at Hamidia College in Bhopal. As an ABVP representative, he won the student union president election. He has an MA in philosophy from Bhopal University.